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THEEE  LECTURES 
THE  EARLY  HISTOEY  ''^^ 

THE  SOCIETY  OF  FRIENDS 

II* 

BRISTOL  AND  SOMERSETSHIRE. 

BY 

WILLIAM  TANXER. 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS  TO  THE  LIFE  OF  GEORGE  FOX, 

PREPARED  FOR  "FRTEXDS'  LIBRARY  '  BY 

TIIOMAJS  EVANS. 


PHILADELPHIA : 
HENRY  LONGSTRETII, 

No.  915  MARKET  STREET. 

18  58. 


1 


The  following  Lectures  were  delivered  under 
the  sanction  of  the  Bristol  Friends'  Library 
and  Lecture  Association. 

The  objects  contemplated  in  the  establish- 
ment of  that  association  were  to  provide  a 
library  of  biblical  and  religious  literature,  and 
ecclesiastical  history,  and  to  promote  the  deli- 
very of  Lectures  upon  subjects  of  a  kindred 
character. 

Bristol,  3d  of  Fifth  Month,  1858. 


(iii) 


The  American  Publisher  has  ventured  to 
supply  tlie  deficiency  referred  to  on  page  88, 
by  William  Tanner,  by  prefixing  to  the  "  Lec- 
tures," with  the  kind  permission  of  the  author, 
Thomas  Evans,  "Introductory  Remarks  to 
THE  Life  of  George  Fox,"  prepared  for  the 
commencement  of  the  first  volume  of  "  Friends' 
Library." 


(iv) 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


In  tracing  the  history  of  the  Christian  Church 
from  its  earliest  establishment,  through  the  periods 
of  its  decline,  until  it  reached  that  long  and  dark 
night  of  apostasy,  which  for  ages  preceded  the  Ee- 
formation,  we  find,  that  in  proportion  as  the  life  and 
substance  of  religion  decayed,  a  multitude  of  cere- 
monies were  introduced  in  its  place,  little,  if  at  all, 
less  onerous  than  the  typical  institutions  of  the 
Mosaic  law.  This  has  ever  been  the  result,  when  the 
ingenuity  of  man  has  attempted  to  improve  or 
adorn  the  simplicity  of  spiritual  religion.  There  is 
a  natural  activity  in  the  human  mind,  which  prompts 
it  to  be  busy,  and  can  with  difficulty  submit  to  that 
self-renunciation  which  the  gospel  enjoins.  It  is 
much  easier  for  a  professor  of  religion  to  be  engaged 
in  the  performance  of  rites  and  ceremonies,  than  to 
yield  his  heart  an  entire  sacrifice  to  God.  Objects 
presented  to  the  mind  through  the  medium  of  the 
natural  senses,  produce  a  powerful  impression,  and 
are  more  easily  apprehended,  than  those  truths 
which  are  addressed  to  the  intellectual  faculties 
only,  and  are  designed  to  subdue  and  control  the 
wayward  passions  of  the  human  heart.  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  that  instead  of  that  worship 
1*  (v) 


vi  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

of  the  Almighty  Father,  which  is  in  Spirit  and  in 
Truth,  and  which  requires  the  subjection  of  the  will 
and  activity  of  man,  and  the  prostration  of  the  whole 
soul  in  reverent  humility  before  God,  a  routine  of 
ceremonies  and  forms  should  have  been  substituted, 
calculated  to  strike  the  eye  and  the  ear  with  admi- 
ration. 

As  the  period  of  degeneracy  was  marked  by  the 
great  amount*and  increase  of  these  ceremonies,  so, 
w^hen  it  pleased  the  Most  High  to  raise  up  indivi- 
duals, and  enlighten  them  to  see  the  existing  cor- 
ruptions, and  how  far  the  professed  Christian  Church 
had  departed  from  original  purity,  and  to  prepare 
them  for  instruments  in  working  a  reformation  ;  one 
of  their  first  duties  was,  to  draw  men  off  from  those 
rites  by  which  their  minds  had  been  unduly  occu- 
pied, and  on  which  they  had  too  much  depended, 
instead  of  pressing  after  experimental  religion  in 
the  heart. 

This,  of  necessity,  was  a  progressive  work.  The 
brightness  of  meridian  day  bursts  not  at  once  upon 
the  world.  There  is  a  gradual  increase  of  light, 
from  its  earliest  dawn  until  it  reaches  its  fullest 
splendour;  yet  the  feeblest  ray  which  first  darts 
through  the  thick  darkness,  is  the  same  in  its  nature 
with  the  most  luminous  blaze.  It  makes  manifest 
those  things  which  the  Divine  controversy  is  against, 
and  leads  back  to  the  state  of  gospel  simplicity  and 
purity,  from  w^hich  the  visible  Church  has  lapsed. 
And  although  the  light  may  not  be  sufficiently  clear 


TO    LIFE    OF  GEORGE    FOX.  vii 

to  discover  all  the  corruptions,  nor  the  state  of  the 
world  such  as  to  bear  their  removal,  yet  those  holy 
men,  who  act  up  faithfully  to  the  degree  of  know- 
ledge with  which  they  are  favoured,  are  worthy  of 
double  honour,  as  instruments  for  correcting  the 
growing  evils  of  their  day,  and  preparing  the  way 
for  further  advancement  in  the  reformation. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe,  that  the  different  re- 
ligious societies  which  have  arisen  since  the  Eefor- 
mation,  all  aimed  at  the  attainment  of  greater 
degrees  of  spirituality  and  a  more  fervent  piety, 
than  was  generally  to  be  found  among  the  sect  from 
which  they  sprung.  The  idea,  that  forms  were  too 
much  substituted  for  power,  and  a  decent  compli- 
ance with  the  externals  of  religion,  for  its  heart- 
changing  work,  seems  to  have  given  rise  to  them 
all.  Each  successive  advance  lopped  off  some  of 
the  ceremonial  excrescences,  with  a  view  of  making 
the  system  more  conformable  to  the  Apostolic  pat- 
tern. In  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
considerable  progress  was  made  in  this  work,  tend- 
ing to  prepare  the  way  for  that  more  full  and  com- 
plete exemplification  of  the  original  simplicity  of 
the  Gospel,  which  was  exhibited  to  the  world  by- 
George  Fox  and  his  coadjutors.  It  is  no  arrogant 
assumption  to  assert,  that  to  whatever  point  in  the 
reformation  we  turn  our  attention,  we  find  the  germ 
of  those  principles,  which  were  subsequently  de- 
veloped and  carried  out  by  the  founders  of  our  So- 
ciety, actuating  the  Reformers  and  leading  them  to 


Vlll 


INTRODUCTORY    RE  .MARKS 


results,  approaching  nearer  to  those  attaiDed  hy 
Friends,  in  proportion  to  the  faithfulness  and  mea- 
sure of  light  bestowed  on  the  individual. 

Opinions  very  similar  to  those  held  by  our  So- 
ciety, on  the  subjects  of  the  indwelling  and  guidance 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  baptism  and  other  ceremonies, 
superstitious  rites,  war,  oaths,  and  a  ministry  of 
human  appointment  and  education,  were  promul- 
gated by  individuals  at  different  periods,  antecedent 
to  the  rise  of  Friends,  though  not  advanced  as  dis- 
tinguishing tenets  by  any  considerable  body  of 
professors. 

The  reformation  from  Popery  under  Edward  VL 
was  but  partial.  Many  of  the  errors  and  supersti- 
tions of  that  pompous  and  ceremonial  religion  were 
retained  ;  partly  because  the  dawning  light  was  not 
sufficient  to  reveal  their  true  character,  and  partly 
in  compliance  with  the  popular  prejudice  in  favour 
of  ancient  institutions,  and  of  a  showy  and  imposing 
form  of  worship.  There  were,  however,  men  of 
eminent  jjiety  and  religious  discernment,  who  per- 
ceived the  degeneracy  from  primitive  Christianit}^, 
which  gave  birth  to  those  corruptions,  and  had  since 
fostered  their  growth  and  promoted  their  increase, 
until  they  threatened  to  supplant  vital  religion. 

On  the  death  of  Edward,  the  hopes  which  these 
had  cherished,  of  further  advances  toward  the  ori- 
ginal simplicity  and  purity  of  Christianity,  were  ex- 
tinguished by  the  accession  of  Mary,  and  the  bar- 
barous persecution  which  followed.    Many  sealed 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE    FOX.  ix 

with  their  blood  the  testimony  of  a  good  couscience, 
and  by  faithfuhiess  unto  death,  not  only  proved  the 
sincerity  of  their  profession,  but  prepared  the  way 
for  those  nearer  approaches  to  Divine  Truth,  which 
have  since  been  made.  If  the  clearer  spiritual  light 
of  the  present  day,  unfolds  to  us  some  points  in 
which  the  belief  of  these  holy  men  was  defective, 
it  also  places  in  stronger  relief,  as  a  noble  example 
worthy  of  all  imitation,  the  undaunted  firmness  and 
integrity  of  their  characters,  their  love  of  Christ, 
and  their  devotion  to  his  cause.  It  cannot  be  viewed 
in  any  other  light,  than  as  a  Divine  interposition  in 
behalf  of  his  suffering  people,  that  this  bigoted  and 
relentless  queen  so  soon  closed  her  career,  after  a 
brief  and  inglorious  reign. 

When  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne,  she  found 
herself  surrounded  by  Papists  strongly  attached  to 
their  religion,  and  zealous  for  its  support.  Her 
prudence  dictated  a  cautious  course  in  changing  the 
existing  order  of  things.  Too  great  or  sudden  al- 
terations, might  have  hazarded  the  peace  of  the 
realm,  and  even  brought  her  crown  into  jeopardy. 
Elizabeth,  moreover,  was  fond  of  magnificence  in 
her  devotions;  and  in  this  respect,  the  pomp  of 
popery  suited  well  with  her  inclinations.  It  is  ques- 
tionable, indeed,  whether  her  preference  for  the  Pro- 
testant relisfion  was  not  as  much  owinii;  to  her  affec- 
tion  for  her  brother,  King  Edward,  and  respect  fur 
the  memory  of  her  father  as  to  any  decided  convic- 


X 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


tion  of  its  nearer  approximation  to  the  standard  of 
Scripture  Truth. 

She  restored  the  Hturgy  and  order  of  worship  as 
established  by  her  brother,  and  strictly  enjoined  its 
observance,  though  many  of  her  Protestant  subjects 
conscientiously  objected  to  some  parts  of  it.  The 
idol  of  uniformity,  and  the  long-cherished  idea  of  a 
catholic  Church,  to  which  the  Papists  had  made 
such  lavish  sacrifices  of  human  life,  had  strong  at- 
tractions even  for  Protestants;  and  Elizabeth,  as 
well  as  her  successors,  persecuted  even  to  death,  not 
a  few  of  her  pious  subjects,  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
coerce  the  consciences  of  men,  and  reduce  them  to 
one  common  standard. 

The  doctrines  and  form  of  worship  revived  by 
Elizabeth  after  the  death  of  Mary,  left  the  minds  of 
many  much  dissatisfied.  They  desired  a  more 
thorough  separation  from  the  errors  of  Popery ;  a 
simpler  method  of  church  government,  and  a  purer 
and  more  spiritual  religion  and  worship.  These 
were  called  Puritans ;  a  name  which,  though  be- 
stowed on  them  with  no  good  design,  yet  agreed 
well  with  those  things  for  which  they  contended. 

The  Protestants  who  fled  to  Frankfort,  during 
the  persecution  under  Queen  Mary,  unanimously 
concluded  to  dispense  with  the  litany,  surplice  and 
responses  of  the  Church  of  England :  that  public 
service  should  be<2:in  with  a  ireneral  confession  of 
sins,  then  the  people  to  sing  a  psalm  in  metre  in  a 
plain  tune,  after  which  the  minister  should  pray  for 


TO    LIFE    OP    GEORGE    FOX.  xi 

the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  proceed  to  ser- 
mon. These  innovations  on  the  established  order 
of  the  service-book,  led  to  warm  disputes,  which 
soon  spread  into  England ;  and  though  at  times  the 
breach  would  seem  nearly  closed,  yet  the  contro- 
versy was  again  and  again  renewed,  and  eftbrts 
made  to  procure  further  reformations  from  the  errors 
of  the  Eomish  Church. 

Soon  after  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne,  she  ap- 
pointed a  commission  to  review  the  liturgy  as  es- 
tablished by  Edward.  The  alterations  made  in  it, 
were  rather  in  favour  of  the  Papists  than  the  Puri- 
tans, by  many  of  whom  it  was  viewed  as  more  ob- 
jectionable than  the  old  Service  Book.  It  was, 
however,  presented  to  parliament,  and  adopted  as 
the  national  form  of  religion,  by  "The  Act  for  the 
Uniformity  of  Common  Prayer  and  Service  in  the 
Church,  &c."  The  same  parliament  passed  an  act 
vesting  the  entire  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in  the 
crown,  and  empowering  the  queen  "  with  the  advice 
of  her  commissioners  or  metropolitan,  to  ordain  and 
publish  such  further  ceremonies  and  rites  as  may  be 
for  the  advancement  of  God's  glory  and  edifying 
his  Church,  and  the  reverence  of  Christ's  holy  mys- 
teries and  sacraments." 

The  act  of  uniformity  was  the  source  of  great 
mischief  to  the  Church.  Many  conscientious  min- 
isters and  others  could  not  conform  to  its  require- 
ments, believing  them  to  be  opposed  to  the  doctrines 
and  precepts  of  the  Bible.    The  rigorous  enforce- 


xii  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

ment  of  the  act,  while  it  punished  the  bodies  of  men, 
and  wasted  their  estates,  did  not  convince  their 
minds ;  but  rather  strengthened  their  opposition, 
and  aHenated  their  affections  from  the  Church. 

In  the  doctrinal  views  of  the  two  parties,  the  Con- 
formists and  the  Puritans,  there  was  little  avowed 
difference.  The  uneasiness  arose  chiefly  from  a 
conscientious  objection  to  the  assumptions  of  the 
bishops,  the  introduction  of  numerous  unscriptural 
offices  and  titles  in  the  church  —  the  laxity  of  her 
discipline — the  prohibition  of  extemporaneous  prayer 
—  the  numerous  festivals  —  the  use  of  organs  and 
other  instruments  of  music  in  time  of  worship — of 
the  sign  of  the  cross  in  the  ceremony  of  baptism — 
kneeling  at  the  ceremony  of  the  supper — bowing  at 
the  name  of  Jesus  and  on  entering  or  leaving  their 
places  of  worship — to  the  ring  in  marriage,  as  well 
as  parts  of  the  words  spoken  during  the  rite ;  and 
to  the  use  of  the  surplice  and  other  vestments  by  the 
priests  during  Divine  service.  Such  w^ere  the  prin- 
cipal grounds  of  difference  in  the  commencement  of 
the  dispute;  and  though  the  Conformists  affected 
to  consider  them  non-essential,  yet  they  insisted  on 
them  with  a  pertinacity,  which  increased  the  oppo- 
sition and  widened  the  breach,  until  at  length  it 
produced  an  entire  separation,  from  which  have 
sprung  the  various  classes  of  dissenters. 

That  the  Puritans  were  conscientious  in  their  ob- 
jections to  the  established  religion,  will  not  be  ques- 
tioned by  such  as  arc  acquainted  with  the  piety  of 


TO    LIFE   OF   GEORGE  FOX. 


Xlll 


their  lives,  and  the  patience  and  fortitude  with 
which  they  endured  persecution  for  their  religious 
opinions.  Connected  with  these,  was  a  steadfast 
resistance  to  the  assumed  power  of  the  crown,  as 
visible  head  of  the  Church,  to  prescribe  to,  and  con- 
trol, the  conscience  of  the  subject,  in  things  not  es- 
sential. Against  this  they  manfully  contended, 
while  the  reins  of  government  were  in  the  hands  of 
their  opponents.  But  when  the  revolution  of  civil 
affairs  placed  them  in  possession  of  the  power,  they 
too  soon  forgot  the  principles  of  rational  and  Chris- 
tian liberty,  for  which  they  had  formerly  struggled, 
and  exercised  on  others,  the  oppression  and  cruelty, 
which  they  had  so  much  condemned  in  their  own 
case. 

Contending  for  their  religious  liberty,  naturally 
had  the  effect  to  make  them  more  jealous  of  their 
civil  rights;  and  hence,  during  the  subsequent 
reign,  we  find  them  standing  forth,  as  stanch  oppo- 
sers  of  the  encroachments  of  the  crown. 

That  they  were  instruments  in  the  hand  of  Pro- 
vidence, for  carrying  forward  the  reformation  from 
the  errors  and  superstitions  by  which  Christianity 
had  been  overlaid,  cannot  be  doubted ;  yet  as  this 
was  a  gradual  work,  accomplished  by  slow  degrees, 
the  corruptions  not  being  all  discovered  at  once,  but 
progressively,  according  to  the  faithfulness  of  those 
engaged  in  the  work ;  so  others  rose  up  and  sepa- 
rated from  them,  who  carried  the  reformation  still 
further. 
2 


XIV  INTRODUCTORY    R  L  M  A  R  K  S 

The  first  of  these  was  the  society  of  Brownists, 
who  contended  that  the  Church  of  England  was  not 
a  true  church,  because  of  the  Popish  corruptions 
which  she  retained  and  enforced,  and  her  persecu- 
tion for  the  sake  of  rehgion  —  that  the  power  of 
church  government  was  in  the  members  —  that  the 
ministry  was  not  subject  to  human  selection  and  or- 
dination, but  that  any  brother  who  felt  engaged, 
might  preach  or  exhort,  and  that  prayer  was  not  to 
be  limited  to  prescribed  forms.  Their  mode  of  dis- 
cipline was  congregational,  every  society  being  dis- 
tinct and  independent  of  the  others ;  holding  inter- 
course and  communion,  however,  as  brethren  and 
professors  of  a  common  faith.  The  severe  persecu- 
tions which  they  experienced  from  the  government, 
induced  many  of  this  persuasion  to  fly  to  the  conti- 
nent, where  they  met  mth  little  better  treatment. 
They  appear  to  have  been  a  zealous  and  sincere 
people,  living  with  strictness  and  regularity,  and 
preaching  with  much  fervour  and  energy. 

The  spirit  of  inquiry  was  now  abroad,  and  in- 
creasing in  vigour  and  activity.  Instead  of  receiving 
opinions  on  the  authority  of  church  canons  or  dig- 
nitaries, there  was  a  growing  disposition  to  bring 
them  to  the  test  of  revealed  truth.  Many  which 
had  long  been  implicitly  adopted,  and  transmitted 
from  one  generation  to  another,  were  now  called  in 
question  and  warmly  debated.  As  early  as  1617, 
John  Selden  published  his  History  of  Tithes,  in 
which  he  contends  that  they  are  of  human,  not 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE    FOX.  XV 

Divine  appointment.  It  was  not  to  be  supposed 
that  those  whose  worldly  interests  were  affected  by 
such  an  opinion,  would  suffer  his  book  to  pass  with- 
out severe  aninaadversion ;  and  as  a  readier  mode 
of  counteracting  its  effects  than  to  resort  to  argu- 
ment, the  author  was  summoned  before  the  High 
Court  of  Commissions ,  and,  after  various  threats, 
compelled  to  recant  his  sentiments. 

Another  class  of  dissenters,  which  took  its  rise 
about  this  time,  was  the  Society  of  Independents, 
which  grew  out  of  the  Brownists.  Its  name  is 
derived  from  the  system  of  church  government,  in 
which  each  congregation  formed  a  distinct  body,  re- 
gulating its  own  affairs,  judging  of  the  fitness  of 
persons  applying  for  membership,  and  of  the  pro- 
priety of  expelling  such  as  walked  disorderly,  inde- 
pendent of  all  others.  Their  doctrines  agreed  in. 
the  main  with  those  of  the  other  dissenters.  During 
the  times  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate, 
they  were  distinguished  by  their  attachment  to  tole- 
ration, which  the  Presbyterians  denounced  as  "  an 
hideous  monster,  the  great  Diana  of  the  Independ- 
ents." They  were  not,  however,  constant  to  their 
own  principles;  for,  when  they  subsequently  ac- 
quired the  power,  they  exercised  considerable  se- 
verity toward  both  Friends  and  Baptists.  They  re- 
ceived the  patronage  and  support  of  Oliver  Crom- 
well, and  are  often  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
the  history  of  Friends. 

At  a  very  early  period  of  the  Ileformation,  the 


xvi  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

subject  of  water  baptism  appears  to  have  attracted 
the  serious  attention  of  pious  men,  and  their  re- 
searches into  it,  led  some  of  them  to  differ  from  the 
generally  received  opinions  respecting  it. 

From  Fuller's  Church  History  it  appears  "Wick- 
liffe  held  "  that  wise  men  leave  that  as  impertinent, 
which  is  not  plainly  expressed  in  Scripture  —  that 
those  are  foolish  and  presumptuous,  who  affirm  that 
infants  are  not  saved  if  they  die  without  baptism ; 
and  that  baptism  doth  not  confer  [grace],  but  only 
signify  grace  which  was  given  before.  He  also 
denied  that  all  sins  are  abolished  in  baptism ;  as- 
serted, that  children  may  be  saved  without  baptism, 
and  that  the  baptism  of  water  profiteth  not,  with- 
out the  baptism  of  the  Spirit." 

During  the  fifteenth  century,  there  were  a  num- 
ber of  persons  in  England  who  denied  the  necessity 
of  water  baptism,  and  held  "  that  Christian  people 
were  sufficiently  baptized  in  the  blood  of  Christ, 
and  needed  no  water ;  and  that  the  sacrament  of 
baptism  with  w^ater,  used  in  the  church,  is  but  a 
light  matter,  and  of  small  effect."  Some  of  these 
suffered  death  by  fire,  for  adherence  to  their  prin- 
ciples ;  and  for  a  long  period  afterwards,  those  who 
entertained  similar  views,  were  the  objects  of  severe 
persecution.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  the  Society 
of  Baptists  or  Anabaptists  took  its  rise.  They  ob- 
jected to  infant  baptism  as  unauthorized  by  Scrip- 
ture, and  rebaptized  those  adults  whom  they  con- 
sidered as  believers  and  admitted  to  the  privileges 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


XVll 


of  their  communion.  Besides  their  peculiar  views 
on  this  subject,  some  of  them  held  war  to  be  incon- 
sistent with  Christianity,  and  doubted  the  lawful- 
ness of  oaths  under  the  gospel  dispensation.  They 
also  insisted  that  the  gospel  ought  to  be  free,  and 
denied  the  right  of  tythes  or  other  compulsory  main- 
tenance for  its  ministers.  They  were  generally  per- 
sons of  great  seriousness  of  mind  and  strictness  of 
deportment,  searching  the  Scriptures  diligently; 
and  being  wearied  with  the  ceremonies  and  impo- 
sitions of  men,  were  desirous  to  practice  that  form 
of  religion  only,  which  they  believed  to  be  sanc- 
tioned by  our  Lord  and  his  apostles. 

Their  views  of  the  Christian  ministry  did  not 
make  it  essential,  that  those  who  took  part  therein, 
should  prepare  for  it  by  the  acquisition  of  learning; 
but  gave  liberty  for  any  to  speak  a  word,  either  in 
doctrine  or  exhortation,  who  believed  themselves 
called  thereto  and  qualified  by  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Some  were  zealously  opposed  to  a  hireling 
ministry,  declaiming  against  it  in  their  preaching, 
by  which  they  subjected  themselves  to  severe  suf- 
ferings. Many  of  this  persuasion  were  imprisoned 
during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  and 
patiently  endured  their  confinement,  showing  by 
their  steadfastness  under  suff'ering,  that  they  were 
actuated  by  motives  sincerely  conscientious.  Of 
this  class  was  the  pious  John  Banyan,  whose  im- 
prisonment lasted  nearly  twelve  years. 

The  first  Presbyterian  church  estabhshed  in  Eng- 


Xviii  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

land,  was  in  1572.  It  consisted  of  Puritans,  (then 
so  called)  who,  among  other  things,  dissented  from 
the  government  of  the  church  by  bishops,  &c.,  con- 
ceiving that  by  pastors  and  presbyters  or  elders,  to 
be  more  consistent  with  Holy  Scripture.  They 
agreed  with  the  Independents,  in  denying  the  divine 
right  of  the  bishops  to  order  and  direct  the  congre- 
gation ;  but  instead  of  leaving  each  distinct,  with 
absolute  control  over  its  own  members  and  officers, 
they  associated  several  churches  in  one  S3mod,  and 
a  number  of  these  again  united  in  forming  a  gene- 
ral assembly,  which  is  the  supreme  ecclesiastical 
body. 

This  society  comprised  a  much  larger  number  of 
members  than  either  of  the  others  we  have  men- 
tioned ;  and  the  part  they  acted  in  the  revolution 
which  drove  Charles  I.  from  the  throne,  and  finally 
brought  him  to  the  scaffold,  as  well  as  in  the  affairs 
of  government  during  the  interregnum,  rendered 
them  sufficiently  conspicuous. 

The  persecutions  they  endured,  w^hile  the  reins  of 
government  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Church  party, 
we  should  suppose  would  have  taught  them  mode- 
ration and  charity  towards  the  conscientious  dissent 
of  others ;  but  no  sooner  were  they  placed  in  the 
seat  of  power,  than  they  began  to  contend  for  uni- 
formity  in  faith  and  practice ;  the  moloch  of  Chris- 
tendom, to  which  many  of  her  choicest  sons  have 
been  wantonly  sacrificed. 

So  fierce  was  their  opposition  to  toleration,  that 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


xix 


after  a  long  conference  of  a  Committee  of  Parlia- 
ment, for  the  purpose  of  making  some  agreement, 
by  which  the  Independents  might  be  accommodated 
in  their  views  of  church  government,  the  scheme 
was  necessarily  abandoned ;  because  the  Presbyte- 
rians refused  to  concede  anything.  They  who  but 
lately  had  contended  against  the  divine  right  of  the 
bishops,  were  now  urgent  to  make  all  yield  to  the 
divine  right  of  presbytery.  The  ministers  of  Sion 
College  pronounced  toleration  "  a  root  of  gall  and 
bitterness;"  others  of  the  sect  declaimed  against  it, 
as  contrary  to  godliness — opening  a  door  to  liberti- 
nism and  profanity,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  rejected 
as  '•'soul-poison.'''  Liberty  of  conscience  was  de- 
clared to  be  the  nourisher  of  all  heresies  and  schisms, 
and  most  of  the  sermons  preached  before  the  House 
of  Commons,  while  the  question  was  under  debate, 
breathed  the  spirit  of  persecution,  and  incited  the 
ruling  powers  to  draw  the  sword  against  such  as 
would  not  conform.  The  Presbyterians  little  thought 
that  their  own  arguments  would  quickl}'  be  used 
against  themselves,  and  the  severity  they  had  exer- 
cised upon  others,  returned  with  full  measure  into 
their  own  bosoms.  This  was  lamentably  the  case 
after  the  restoration,  when  the  Church  of  England 
having  regained  her  power,  exercised  it  with  so  little 
mercy,  in  the  vain  attempt  to  force  men's  conscien- 
ces into  a  conformity  with  her  prescriptions. 

We  have  now  noticed  the  principal  sects  which 
existed  at  the  time  our  Society  arose,  and  to  whom 


XX  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

the  reader  will  find  allusion  made  in  the  writings  of 
Friends.  They  were  all  strenuously  opposed  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  church  ;  and  while  King  James  1. 
and  his  son,  Charles  I.,  were  both  suspected  of 
favouring  that  religion,  as  well  as  some  of  the  dig- 
nitaries of  the  Episcopal  church ;  the  dissenters 
availed  themselves  of  every  opportunity  to  show 
their  dislike  to  it.  -  This  contributed  not  a  little  to 
alienate  their  aftections  from  the  throne,  and  to 
w^iden  the  breach  to  which  their  persecution  had 
given  rise. 

The  violation  of  their  natural  and  civil  rights; 
the  disregard  of  their  often-repeated  and  respectful 
petitions,  and  the  frequent  breach  of  promises  so- 
lemnly made,  tended  to  make  the  Puritans  sus- 
picious of  James,  and  induced  them  to  watch  with 
the  most  jealous  eye,  every  encroachment  of  the 
crown.  The  house  of  Stuart  were  remarkable  for 
arrogant  and  arbitrary  assumption,  in  virtue  of  their 
prerogative.  However  the  exigency  of  the  occasions 
may  extenuate  some  of  their  acts,  there  are  others, 
which  deserve  no  milder  appellations  than  tyranny 
and  oppression.  Against  these,  the  dissenters  in- 
veighed with  boldness  and  vehemence,  and,  as  is 
usually  the  case,  the  cry  of  oppression  rallied  to 
their  side  a  host  of  partisans,  until  at  length  the 
king  had  lost  the  affections  of  a  large  portion  of  his 
subjects.  Instead  of  pacifying  them  by  some  con- 
cessions, and  soothing  their  incensed  feelings  by 


TO    LIFE    OF   GEORGE    FOX.  Xxi 

gentleness  and  clemency,  measures  still  more  harsh 
and  offensive  were  pursued  toward  them. 

They  were  punished  as  factious  schismatics  —  as 
enemies  to  the  king  and  government,  and  inciters 
of  the  people  to  rebellion  —  were  fined,  whipped, 
maimed,  imprisoned  and  banished — enduring  almost 
every  species  of  hardship  and  suffering  which  cruelty 
could  suggest.  It  were  no  wonder,  if  men  who  had 
felt  so  severely  the  abuses  of  regal  power,  should  he 
in  favour  of  a  form  of  government,  by  which  it 
could  be  restrained  within  more  just  and  reasonable 
limits,  and  the  rights  of  the  subject  be  more  effectu- 
ally secured. 

The  disputes  between  the  Puritans  and  the  Church 
party,  which  had  been  carried  on  with  no  little  acri- 
mony, during  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  James  I., 
increased  in  violence  under  Charles,  and  began  to 
assume  the  most  serious  aspect,  threatening  to 
destroy  the  peace  of  the  nation.  The  Puritans  had 
augmented  in  numbers  and  importance,  and  the 
flagrant  outrages  committed  upon  them,  produced 
commisseration  in  the  minds  of  many,  who  yet  were 
sincere  in  their  attachment  to  the  religion  of  the 
Church.  So  little  regard  was  had  to  law  or  equity 
in  the  treatment  of  them,  that  their  cause  gradually 
became  identified  with  the  preservation  of  the  con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  country.  To  be  a  Puritan, 
was  synonymous  with  an  opponent  of  ecclesiastical 
domination  ;  of  the  tyranny  and  encroachments  of 
royalty,  under  the  convenient  plea  of  prerogative ; 


xxii 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


and  to  be  the  advocate  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
the  subject.  In  this  way  pohtics  and  rehgion  became 
blended,  and  afterward  it  was  the  policy  of  each 
party  to  maintain  the  connexion. 

Beside  the  matters  originally  contested,  new 
sources  of  dissatisfaction  and  other  subjects  of  dis- 
pute, became  involved  in  the  controversy. 

Many  of  the  clergy  of  the  establishment  had 
become  corrupt  and  licentious — they  seldom  preached 
—  neglected  their  congregations  and  places  of  wor- 
ship, and  were  engaged  in  practices,  not  only  un- 
becoming the  sacred  character,  but,  in  some  cases, 
even  scandalously  immoral.  They  encouraged, 
rather  than  repressed  the  licentiousness  of  the  times ; 
and  seemed  much  more  addicted  to  mirth  and 
amusements,  than  to  the  duties  of  the  ministerial 
office.  Their  example,  and  that  of  the  court,  had  a 
demoralizing  effect  on  others,  especially  the  lower 
orders  of  society. 

In  order  to  counteract  the  opinion  that  the  re- 
formed religion  was  severe  and  strict  in  its  requisi- 
tions, James  published,  in  1618,  a  royal  declaration, 
drawn  up  by  one  of  the  Episcopal  bishops,  stating, 
that  "for  his  good  people's  recreation,  his  majesty's 
pleasure  was,  that  after  the  end  of  Divine  service, 
they  should  not  be  disturbed,  letted,  or  discouraged 
from  any  lawful  recreations,  such  as  dancing,  either 
of  men  or  women,  archery  for  men,  leaping,  vault- 
ing, or  any  such  harmless  recreations;  nor  having 
May  games,  whitsonales,  or  morrice  dances,  or  set- 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


xxiii 


ting  up  of  May  poles,  or  other  sports  therewith 
used,  SO  as  the  same  may  be  had  in  due  and  conve- 
nient time,  without  impediment  or  let  of  Divine 
service." 

This  was  a  source  of  great  offence  to  the  Puri- 
tans ;  and  when  the  declaration  was  republished  by 
Charles,  and  directed  to  be  read  in  all  the  churches, 
many  of  the  ministers  refused  to  comply. 

The  license  given  by  the  indulgence,  produced 
the  results  which  might  reasonably  have  been  an- 
ticipated. The  sports  degenerated  into  noisy  and 
tumultuous  revels,  with  tippling,  quarrels,  and  some- 
times even  murder.  These  disorders  grew  to  such 
a  height,  that  the  justices,  in  some  counties,  peti- 
tioned the  judges  of  the  courts  to  suppress  them, 
which  they  did.  But  Archbishop  Laud,  then  pri- 
mate of  England,  summoned  the  judges  before  the 
king  and  council,  for  invading  the  Episcopal  juris- 
diction. A  sharp  reprimand  and  an  order  to  revoke 
the  prohibition,  was  the  result.  The  archbishop 
taking  the  matter  into  his  own  hands,  was  informed 
by  the  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  within  whose  dio- 
cese the  prohibition  had  been  enforced,  that  the  re- 
storation of  the  wakes  and  revels,  &c.,  would  be 
very  acceptable  to  the  gentry,  clergy  and  common 
people ;  in  proof  of  which,  he  had  procured  the  sig- 
natures of  seventy-two  clergymen ;  and  believed,  if 
he  had  sent  for  an  hundred  more,  he  could  have 
had  the  consent  of  them  all.  It  was  determined  to 
continue  them,  and  the  king  forbade  the  justices  in- 


Xxiv  I  N  T  II  0  D  U  C  T  0  11  Y    11  E  M  A  11  K  S 

terfering  with  the  people.  It  may  readily  be  sup- 
posed, that  such  proceedings  would  have  a  power- 
ful influence  in  promoting  licentiousness;  when,  in 
addition  to  the  command  of  their  king,  the  minis- 
ters of  religion  joined  in  encouraging  practices,  to 
which  the  depraved  inclinations  of  the  human  heart 
alone,  furnish  strong  excitement.  We  may  safely 
rank  this  among  the  causes,  which  contributed  to 
promote  the  immorality  and  corruption  which  so 
lamentably  overspread  the  nation,  and  gave  rise  to 
the  close  and  sharp  reproof,  which  our  early  Friends 
so  often  found  it  their  duty  to  administer. 

The  few  parliaments  which  James  and  Charles 
assembled,  evinced  a  disposition  to  apply  some 
remedy  to  the  religious  dissensions  and  grievances 
which  distracted  the  nation.  This  was  an  interfe- 
rence so  little  agreeable  to  the  crown,  that  they  were 
speedily  prorogued,  and  a  long  period  suflered  to 
elapse  before  another  was  called,  which  gave  rise  to 
the  suspicion,  that  the  monarch  intended  to  govern 
by  prerogative  only,  and  without  the  intervention 
of  a  parliament. 

The  condition  of  the  nation  when  Charles  came 
to  the  throne,  was  melancholy  indeed.  It  was  torn 
by  internal  dissensions ;  and  the  affections  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  people  alienated  from  the  king,  by 
oppression  and  injustice.  The  encroachments  of 
the  crown  —  the  continued  encouragement  given  to 
Papists,  the  unmitigated  persecution  of  the  Puri- 
tans, and  of  such  as  had  the  magnanimity  and 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


XXV 


courage  to  resist  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  court 
and  its  minions,  together  with  the  failure  of  some 
of  his  military  enterprises,  tended  to  increase  the 
murmurs,  and  to  rouse  the  spirit  of  those,  who  re- 
garded the  liberties  and  the  religion  of  the  country. 
Influenced  by  mistaken  notions  of  royal  preroga- 
tive, and  misguided  by  his  counsellors,  Charles,  in- 
stead of  softening  the  spirits  of  the  Puritans  by 
some  concessions,  proceeded  to  still  greater  lengths, 
until  the  minds  of  many  of  his  subjects  were  pre- 
pared for  any  change  which  promised  to  restore  to 
them  their  civil  and  religious  rights.  From  this  state 
of  things,  it  was  but  a  short  step  to  open  warfare, 
and  accordingly  the  nation  was  soon  involved  in  a 
civil  war,  which  resulted  in  bringing  Charles  to  the 
scafibld,  and  setting  up  a  new  form  of  government. 
Is  umerous  negotiations  for  a  settlement  of  the  reli- 
gious ditierences  took  place,  but  neither  the  king 
nor  the  parliament  being  willing  to  accede  to  the 
terms  proposed  by  the  other,  in  16^2  they  appealed 
to  the  sword  to  settle  a  controversy,  which  had 
hitherto  been  managed  only  by  words.  During  the 
course  of  the  war,  which  continued  with  various 
success  for  several  years,  the  king  was  often  reduced 
to  great  extremities,  and  at  last  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  parliament,  he  was  brought  to  trial 
before  his  avowed  enemies,  and  condemned  to  be 
beheaded  as  a  traitor.  This  cruel  sentence  was  car- 
ried into  execution  early  in  1648. 

It  was  in  1646,  during  the  prevalence  of  the  civil 
3 


XXVI 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


and  religious  commotions,  that  George  Fox  com- 
menced his  labours  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel, 
being  then  in  the  23d  year  of  his  age. 

After  the  death  of  the  king,  the  nation  was  with- 
out any  legal  form  of  government ;  but  the  parlia- 
ment, which  had  assumed  the  power,  and  exercised 
it  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  still  continued 
to  govern.  The  Presbyterians  had  the  control  of 
affairs  chiefly  in  their  hands,  and  proceeded  to 
model  the  religion  of  the  nation  to  suit  their  pecu- 
liar views.  Instead  of  the  liturgy  of  the  Church  of 
England,  they  set  up  the  Directory  for  Public  Wor- 
ship ;  and,  forgetting  the  severity  of  their  own  suf- 
ferings for  non-conformity,  w^hen  others  were  in 
power,  they  now  set  about  compelling  all  to  comply 
with  their  established  forms.  The  arguments  they 
had  used  against  persecution  for  religion,  when 
smarting  under  the  lash  of  the  Episcopal  Church, 
were  urged  upon  them  in  vain.  Having  the  power 
in  their  hands,  they  appeared  to  consider  it  as  a  suf- 
ficient authority  for  coercing  others,  to  adopt  that 
form  of  worship  and  system  of  doctrines,  which 
they  had  determined  to  be  the  best.  ISTever  did  re- 
ligious toleration  seem  to  be  less  understood,  or  the 
great  right  of  liberty  of  conscience  more  w^antonly 
disregarded. 

But  while  the  parliament  was  acting  in  conformity 
with  these  narrow  and  bigoted  opinions,  principles 
of  a  contrary  character  were  at  work  in  the  army, 
where  the  Independents  predominated,  and  carried 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


xxvii 


with  them  their  wonted  liberaUty  toward  the  con- 
scientious dissent  of  others.  Against  this  latitude 
of  indulgence,  the  Presbyterians  declared  with  great 
earnestness,  as  a  source  of  innumerable  evils,  and 
tending  to  the  destruction  of  all  religion.  A  long 
conference  took  place  between  the  two  parties,  for 
the  purpose  of  making  some  arrangement,  by  which 
the  Independent  form  of  worship  and  discipline 
could  be  included  ;  but  such  w^as  the  pertinacity  of 
the  Presbyterian  faction,  that  they  refused  to  yield 
anything,  and  the  scheme  was  abandoned  as  hopeless. 

This  arbitrary  and  oppressive  course,  rendered  the 
sect  unpopular ;  and  the  Independents  finding  they 
were  not  likely  to  obtain  much  from  the  parliament, 
and  having  the  army  on  their  side,  with  Oliver 
Cromwell  at  its  head,  he  put  an  end  to  the  Com- 
monwealth and  the  parliament  together,  in  the  year 
1653  —  the  former  having  continued  a  little  more 
than  four  years,  and  the  latter  sat  as  a  legislative 
body,  with  some  short  intermissions,  for  thirteen 
years. 

It  was  not  long  ere  Cromwell  and  his  officers 
struck  out  a  new  form  of  government;  and  in  the 
latter  end  of  1653,  he  was  declared  Lord  Protector 
of  England,  Scotland  and  Ireland,  &c.  The  prin- 
ciples of  the  new  government,  relative  to  religion, 
were  more  liberal  and  Christian,  than  any  which 
preceded  it.  The  articles  of  the  constitution  em- 
bracing that  subject,  contain  the  following,  viz. :  — 

"  That  the  Christian  religion  contained  in  the 


XXviii         INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

Scriptures,  be  held  forth  and  recommended  as  the 
public  profession  of  these  nations. 

That  none  be  compelled  to  conform  to  the 
public  religion,  by  penalties  or  otherwise ;  but  that 
endeavours  be  used  to  win  them  by  sound  doctrine 
and  the  example  of  a  good  conversation. 

"That  such  as  profess  faith  in  God,  by  Jesus 
Christ,  though  differing  in  judgment  from  the  doc- 
trine, worship,  and  discipline  publicly  held  forth, 
shall  not  be  restrained  from,  but  shall  be  protected 
in,  the  profession  of  their  faith,  and  the  exercise  of 
their  religion ;  so  as  they  abuse  not  this  liberty  to 
the  civil  injury  of  others,  and  to  the  actual  disturb- 
ance of  the  public  peace  on  their  parts ;  provided, 
this  liberty  be  not  extended  to  popery  or  prelacy,  or 
to  such  as,  under  a  profession  of  Christ,  hold  forth 
and  practise  licentiousness." 

Creditable  as  these  provisions  are  to  the  en- 
lightened views  of  religious  toleration,  entertained 
by  those  who  framed  them,  they  are  still  defective, 
in  making  exceptions  to  two  classes  of  professors. 
Had  they  been  faithfully  carried  out  in  practice, 
they  w^ould  have  saved  much  suffering  for  conscience 
sake,  both  to  Friends  and  the  Baptists.  For  how- 
ever favourable  the  protector  was  to  granting  liberty 
of  conscience  to  all,  it  \vas  not  the  case  with  the  ma- 
gistrates, justices  and  others,  in  whose  hands  the 
execution  of  the  laws  was  placed.  From  the  cupidit}; 
or  intolerance  of  these.  Friends  were  often  inter- 
rupted  in  the  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  punished, 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORiJE  FOX. 


xxix 


because  they  could  not  swear  or  pay  tythes,  though 
to  a  much  less  degree  than  was  afterward  the  case. 

Toward  the  close  of  Cromwell's  government,  he 
was  again  declared  protector,  under  new  articles  of 
government,  in  which  an  attempt  was  made  to 
narrow  the  grounds  of  toleration,  by  a  more  close 
definition  of  the  doctrines  to  be  professed. 

In  the  opening  of  the  second  session  of  the  par- 
liament, in  1657,  the  Lord  Commissioner  Fiennes 
"  warns  the  house  of  the  rock  on  which  many  had 
split,  which  was  a  spirit  of  imposing  upon  men's 
consciences,  in  things  wherein  God  leaves  them  a 
latitude,  and  would  have  them  free."  —  "As  God  is 
no  respecter  of  persons,  so  he  is  no  respecter  of 
forms ;  but  in  what  form  soever  the  spirit  of  impo- 
sition appears,  he  will  testify  against  it.  If  men, 
though  otherwise  good,  will  turn  ceremony  into  sub- 
stance, and  make  the  kingdom  of  Christ  consist  in 

circumstances,  in  discipline,  and  in  forms,  

in  vain  do  they  protest  against  the  persecution  of 
God's  people,  when  they  make  the  definition  of 
God's  people  so  narrow,  that  their  persecution  is  as 
broad  as  any  other,  and  usually  more  fierce,  because 
edged  with  a  sharp  temper  of  spirit."  "It  is  good 
to  hold  forth  a  public  profession  of  the  truth,  but 
not  so  as  to  exclude  those  that  cannot  come  up  to  it 
in  all  points,  from  the  privilege  that  belongs  to  them 
as  Christians,  much  less  to  the  privilege  that  belongs 
to  them  as  men." 

These  just  sentiments,  which  appeared  to  be  gain- 
3* 


XXX 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


ing  ground  in  the  minds  of  men,  were  soon  to  re- 
ceive a  check,  by  the  change  of  rulers.  In  1658, 
Oliver  Cromwell  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Richard ;  who,  finding  the  difficulties  and  perplexi- 
ties of  balancing  the  power  of  rival  parties,  and  con- 
ducting the  affairs  of  state,  little  suited  either  to  his 
capacity  or  his  inclinations,  resigned  his  high  and 
responsible  station,  after  having  occupied  it  only 
eight  months. 

A  short  interregnum  ensued,  and  in  1660  the 
kingdom  was  restored  to  the  house  of  Stuart,  by 
proclaiming  Charles  II. 

These  frequent  changes  in  the  government  had  a 
tendency  to  keep  up  the  unsettlement  which  had 
long  agitated  the  nation,  as  well  as  those  violent 
party  feelings  and  prejudices,  which  the  political 
and  religious  struggles  had  engendered.  Friends 
took  no  part  in  the  revolutions  of  government  — 
their  principles  forbade  them  from  putting  down  or 
setting  up,  and  taught  them  to  live  peaceably,  as 
good  citizens,  under  whatever  power  the  Ruler  of 
the  universe  permitted  to  be  established  over  them. 
But  though  peaceable  and  non-resisting  in  their  con- 
duct, they  were  neither  idle  nor  unconcerned  spec- 
tators of  the  course  of  events.  Believing  that 
righteousness  was  the  only  security  for  a  nation's 
stability  and  prosperity,  they  earnestly  enforced  on 
the  parliament  and  protector,  as  well  as  the  monarchs 
who  succeeded,  the  suppression  of  vice  and  immo- 
rality, the  equal  administration  of  justice,  and  the 


TO    LIFE    OF   GEORGE  FOX. 


xxxi 


removal  of  all  oppression.  The  addresses  made  to 
those  in  authority  by  George  Fox,  Edward  Bur- 
rough  and  others,  are  marked  with  innocent  bold- 
ness, and  good  sense,  delivered  in  a  style  of  great 
frankness  and  honesty.  Xor  did  they  omit  to  warn 
them  of  the  consequences  which  would  ensue  if 
they  failed  to  perform  the  divine  will,  predicting 
with  clearness  the  overthrow  of  Oliver's  govern- 
ment, and  some  other  changes  which  occurred. 

In  his  declaration  issued  from  Breda,  on  the  eve 
of  his  sailing  for  England  to  assume  the  crown, 
Charles  held  this  conciliatory  language,  calculated 
to  allay  the  fears  of  those  who  dreaded  the  restora- 
tion of  the  hierarchy.  "We  do  also  declare  a 
liberty  to  tender  consciences,  and  that  no  man  shall 
be  disquieted  or  called  in  question  for  differences  of 
opinion,  in  matters  of  religion,  which  do  not  dis- 
turb the  peace  of  the  kingdom." 

But  plausible  as  are  these  promises,  and  sincere 
as  the  king  might  have  been  in  making  them,  the 
event  proved  how  little  reliance  was  to  be  placed 
upon  the  royal  word.  Devoted  to  his  own  plea- 
sures, and  with  too  little  application  or  industry  to 
examine  the  opinions  of  his  advisers,  or  inquire  into 
the  sufferings  sustained  by  his  subjects,  he  permitted 
the  clergy  to  pursue  their  own  measures  for  the  pro- 
motion of  the  church,  who  took  care  to  return  the 
measure  of  persecution,  meted  to  them  under  the 
commonwealth  and  protectorate,  heaped  up  and  run- 
ning over  into  the  bosoms  of  the  dissenters.  Con- 


xxxii 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


formity  was  rigidly  enforced,  and  not  satisfied  with 
the  existing  statutes  for  punishing  those  who  dared 
to  differ  in  their  consciences  from  the  prescribed  stan- 
dard, new  and  more  oppressive  laws  were  procured. 

The  persecution  fell  with  peculiar  severity  on 
Friends,  who  were  suspected  of  being  unfriendly  to 
the  restoration  of  the  king,  from  their  refusal  to 
take  any  oath,  and  consequently  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  crown — though  they  repeatedly  offered 
instead,  their  most  solemn  declarations  to  the  same 
effect. 

The  peaceable  and  unresisting  spirit  which  go- 
verned the  conduct  of  Friends,  seemed  to  embolden 
their  persecutors  to  oppress  them  without  colour  of 
law  or  justice,  knowing  they  had  nothing  to  fear 
from  the  law  of  retaliation,  and  that  but  few  could 
be  found  to  plead  their  cause  or  espouse  the  defence 
of  their  rights. 

To  give  some  colour  to  the  severities  practised 
against  them,  pretexts  were  drawn  from  supposed 
violations  of  the  regulations  of  civil  policy  —  ^'A 
Christian  exhortation  to  an  assembly  after  the  priest 
had  done  and  the  worship  was  over,  was  denomi- 
nated interrupting  public  w^orship,  and  disturbing 
the  priest  in  his  office;  an  honest  testimony  against 
wickedness  in  the  streets  or  market-place,  was  styled 
a  breach  of  the  peace ;  and  their  appearing  before 
the  magistrates  covered,  a  contempt  of  authority ; 
hence  proceeded  fines,  imprisonments  and  spoiling 
of  goods.    Nay,  so  hot  were  some  of  the  magistrates 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


XXXlll 


for  persecution,  even  in  Cromwell's  time,  that  by  an 
unparalleled  and  most  unjust  misconstruction  of  the 
law  against  vagrants,  they  tortured  with  cruel  whip- 
pings and  exposed  in  the  stocks,  the  bodies  both  of 
men  and  women  of  good  estate  and  reputation, 
merely  because  they  went  under  the  denomination 
of  Quakers." 

Several  obsolete  statutes  were  brought  to  bear 
most  heavily  upon  Friends,  though  originally  en- 
acted with  a  view  of  reaching  the  Papists,  who  re- 
fused to  conform  to  the  established  religion.  Among 
these  was  an  act  passed  in  the  32d  year  of  Henry 
Vin.'s  reign,  against  subtracting  or  withholding 
tithes  ;  obliging  justices  to  commit  obstinate  defend- 
ants to  prison,  until  they  should  find  sufficient  se- 
curity for  their  compliance. — The  laws  made  in  Eli- 
zabeth's reign  for  enforcing  a  uniformity  of  wor- 
ship, authorizing  the  levy  of  a  fine  of  one  shilUng 
per  week  for  the  use  of  the  poor,  from  such  as  did 
not  resort  to  some  church  of  the  established  religion, 
every  sabbath  or  holy  day,  —  and  also  another,  es- 
tablishing a  forfeiture  of  twenty  pounds  per  month 
for  the  like  default.  A  third  law  empowered  the 
officers  to  seize  all  the  goods,  or  a  third  part  of  the 
lands,  of  every  such  offender  for  the  fine  of  twenty 
pounds.  And  as  if  these  were  not  sufficiently  severe, 
another  was  enacted  in  the  35th  year  of  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth, obliging  offenders  in  the  like  case  to  abjure 
the  realm,  on  pain  of  death. 

All  these  laws  were  revived,  and  attempts  made 
c 


XXxiv         INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

to  enforce  them  in  the  cases  of  Friends,  though  it 
was  well  known  they  were  designed  to  bear  upon 
the  Papists.  As  Friends  could  not  conscientiously 
pay  tithes,  believing  that  the  ministry  of  the  gospel 
should  be  free,  according  to  the  express  injunction 
of  Christ  to  his  apostles,  "Freely  ye  have  received, 
freely  give,"  great  havoc  was  made  of  their  property 
by  the  rapacious  priests. 

The  Society  of  Friends  viewed  the  positive  com- 
mand of  our  Lord,  "  Swear  not  at  all,"  corroborated 
by  the  exhortation  of  the  Apostle  James,  "But 
above  all  things,  my  brethren,  swear  not;  neither 
by  Heaven,  neither  by  the  earth,  neither  by  any 
other  oath,"  as  being  of  indispensable  obligation, 
and  entirely  precluding  the  Christian  from  taking 
an  oath  on  any  occasion  whatever. 

Soon  after  Charles  II.  came  to  the  throne,  the 
acts  made  in  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  James,  re- 
quiring the  subject  to  take  the  oaths  of  allegiance 
and  supremacy,  were  revived,  and  visited  upon 
Friends  with  great  oppression. 

In  1661,  the  parliament  passed  another  act,  aimed 
directly  at  the  Society,  providing  that  any  Quaker 
refusing  to  take  an  oath,  when  lawfully  tendered,  or 
who  should  maintain,  in  writing  or  otherwise,  the 
unlawfulness  of  taking  an  oath ;  or  if  five  or  more 
Quakers,  above  the  age  of  sixteen  years,  should  as- 
semble for  religious  worship,  they  should  forfeit  five 
pounds  for  the  first  offence,  or  suffer  three  months 
imprisonment ;  doubling  the  penalty  for  the  second 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORQE  FOX. 


XXXV 


offence;  and  for  the  third,  they  were  to  abjure  the 
realm,  or  be  transported. 

The  insurrection  of  the  "fifth  monarchy  men,"  as 
they  were  called,  was  the  occasion  of  fresh  persecu- 
tion to  Friends.  They  were  a  company  of  infa- 
tuated men,  who,  supposing  that  the  one  thousand 
years  of  Christ's  reign  on  earth,  mentioned  in  Rev. 
XX.  was  just  commencing,  rose  in  arms  and  ran 
about  the  streets  of  London,  crying  out  that  they 
were  going  to  overthrow  the  government  of  Xing 
Charles,  and  set  up  King  Jesus.  Although  there 
was  not  the  shadow  of  reason,  for  connecting  the 
Society  in  any  way  with  this  wild  insurrection,  yet 
the  king  made  it  the  pretext  for  issuing  his  procla- 
mation, for  the  suppression  of  all  unlawful  conven- 
ticles, or  meetings  for  religious  purposes,  designating 
particularly  those  of  the  Anabaptists  and  Quakers. 
This  encouraged  the  profane  and  irreligious  popu- 
lace to  assail  the  meetings  of  Friends,  and  inflict 
upon  them  the  grossest  outrages  and  cruelties. 

Severe  as  were  the  sufferings  of  Friends  under  the 
operation  of  these  oppressive  laws,  their  constancy 
was  not  shaken.  They  fearlessly  and  openly  met 
for  the  solemn  duty  of  Divine  worship,  nothing 
daunted  by  the  terrors  which  threatened  them.  This 
Christian  boldness  exasperated  their  enemies,  espe- 
cially the  persecuting  priests  and  magistrates ;  and 
another  law  was  procured  more  prompt  and  terrible 
in  its  operation.  It  declared  the  statute  of  35th  of 
Elizabeth  in  full  force ;  and  that  every  person  taken 


xxxvi 


I  N  T  11  0  D  U  C  T  0  K  Y  REMARKS 


at  a  meeting  consisting  of  more  than  five,  beside  the 
household,  should  sulFer  three  months  imprison- 
ment, or  pay  a  fine  of  five  pounds,  on  conviction 
before  two  justices  —  double  the  penalty  for  the 
second  ofience ;  and  being  convicted  of  a  third, 
before  the  justices  at  the  Quarter  Sessions,  should  be 
transported  for  seven  years,  or  pay  one  hundred 
pounds  fine — and  in  case  they  returned  or  escaped, 
they  should  be  adjudged  felons,  and  sentenced  to 
death.  It  also  empowered  sherifis,  justices  of  the 
peace,  and  persons  commissioned  by  them,  to  hunt 
out  and  break  up  all  religious  meetings,  other  than 
those  of  the  established  religion,  and  take  into  cus- 
tody such  of  the  company  as  they  saw  fit.  Persons 
allowing  such  meetings  in  their  houses,  barns,  &c., 
to  be  subject  to  the  same  penalties  and  forfeitures 
as  other  offenders.  Such  as  were  sentenced  to  trans- 
portation, w^ere  to  be  sent  over  sea  at  their  own  ex- 
pense ;  and  in  default  of  ability  to  pay,  to  be  sold 
for  five  years  to  defray  the  charges.  Married  women 
taken  at  meetings,  to  be  imprisoned  for  a  term  not 
exceeding  twelve  months,  or  their  husbands  to  pay 
for  their  redemption  not  exceeding  forty  pounds. 

The  next  enactment  by  which  Friends  suffered, 
was  commonly  known  by  the  name  of  the  Oxford 
five  mile  act.  It  was  aimed  at  the  Presbyterian  and 
other  non-conforming  ministers,  requiring  them  to 
take  an  oath,  that  it  was  not  lawful  under  any  pre- 
tence to  take  up  arms  against  the  king;  and  that 
they  would  not  at  any  time,  endeavour  to  procure 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE    FOX.  XXXVU 


any  alteration  in  the  government  of  church  or  state. 
Sach  as  refused  to  take  the  oath,  were  declared  in- 
capable of  teaching  any  school,  public  or  private, 
under  penalty  of  forty  pounds.  All  nonconforming 
ministers  were  likewise  prohibited  from  coming 
within  five  miles  of  any  city,  town,  or  borough  send- 
ing members  to  parliament,  or  within  five  miles  of 
any  place  where  they  had  officiated  as  ministers, 
unless  it  might  be  in  passing  along  a  public  high- 
way, under  a  forfeiture  of  forty  pounds ;  one-third 
of  which  went  to  the  informer. 

The  refusal  of  Friends  to  take  an  oath,  brought 
their  ministers  within  the  scope  of  this  law,  and 
fines,  distraints  and  imprisonments  were  the  conse- 
quences. 

In  1670,  there  appeared  to  be  a  disposition  among 
some  of  the  officers  of  government  to  put  a  stop  to 
persecution.  The  king,  on  several  occasions,  had 
shown  his  dislike  to  it;  but  being  opposed  by  the 
bishops  and  parliament,  he  had  not  the  firmness  or 
resolution  to  withstand  their  influence.  The  former 
Act  for  suppressing  religious  meetings  having  ex- 
pired, a  new  one  was  prepared  and  passed,  making 
the  penalty  five  shillings  for  the  first  ofience,  and 
ten  for  the  second ;  the  preachers  or  teachers  in  such 
meetings  to  forfeit  twenty  pounds  for  the  first,  and 
forty  pounds  for  the  second  offence ;  and  twenty 
pounds  penalty  for  suffering  a  meeting  to  be  held  in 
a  house  or  barn.  A  single  justice  was  authorized 
to  convict  on  the  oath  of  two  witnesses,  and  the 
4 


XXXVlll       INTRODUCTORY    R  E  M  A  R  K  S 


fines  to  be  forthwith  levied  on  the  offenders*  goods, 
and  in  ease  of  his  poverty,  on  the  goods  of  any  other 
offender  present  at  the  same  meeting ;  provided  the 
amount  so  levied  shall  not  exceed  ten  pounds  for 
one  meeting.  —  One  third  of  all  the  fines  to  go  to 
the  informer,  as  a  reward  for  his  services.  Justices, 
constables,  and  other  officers,  were  authorized  to 
break  open  and  enter  any  house,  or  place,  where 
they  might  be  informed  was  a  conventicle,  and 
search  for,  and  take  into  custody,  all  persons  found 
assembled  there.  If  any  justice  of  the  peace  refused 
to  perform  the  duties  prescribed  in  the  Act,  he  was 
to  forfeit  one  hundred  pounds,  and  every  constable 
five  pounds.  And  it  was  further  enacted,  that  "  all 
clauses  in  the  law  should  be  construed  most  largely 
and  beneficially  for  the  suppressing  of  conventicles, 
and  for  the  justification  and  encouragement  of  all 
persons  to  be  employed  in  the  execution  thereof." 

A  more  unjust  and  oppressive  law  could  scarcely 
be  conceived.  In  the  hope  of  rioting  on  the  spoils 
of  the  Quakers'  goods,  unprincipled  men  lurked 
about  their  dwellings,  lodged  information  against 
them  on  the  most  frivolous  pretences,  and  swore 
falsely  to  procure  their  conviction ;  the  facility  of 
which  was  greatly  promoted  by  the  privacy  of  the 
trial,  and  resting  the  decision  with  a  single  justice, 
himself  often  the  accomplice  of  the  informer  and 
the  sharer  of  the  prey.  It  would  be  difficult  to  con- 
ceive a  scene  of  more  extensive  rapine  and  plunder, 
in  time  of  peace  and  under  colour  of  law^,  than  the 


TO    LIFE    OF    aEOllGE    FOX.  XXxix 

execution  of  this  Act  produced  throughout  the 
nation.  Many  Friends  were  reduced  from  compe- 
tency to  destitution  of  the  very  necessaries  of  life. 

In  1672,  Charles  issued  his  declaration  of  indul- 
gence, by  which,  in  virtue  of  his  royal  prerogative, 
as  supreme  in  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil  afiairs, 
he  assumed  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  penal 
laws  against  the  non-conformists.  The  right  of  the 
sovereign  to  exercise  this  power,  was  warmly  con- 
tested. Some  of  the  dissenters,  and  especially  the 
Presbyterians,  who  were  extremely  jealous  of  the 
Papists,  and  unfavourable  to  general  liberty  of  con- 
science, were  not  forward  to  accept  the  boon  thus 
offered,  and  even  wrote  against  it,  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  sanction  the  exercise  of  the  dispensing 
power  in  the  king. 

Friends  had  suffered  more  severely  during  the 
preceding  persecutions,  than  any  other  class  of  dis- 
senters. They  had  stood  their  ground  with  un- 
flinching intrepidity,  when  others  fled  before  the 
storm.  They  contended  that  liberty  of  conscience 
was  the  natural  right  of  all  men,  and  that  every  in- 
terference of  the  civil  power,  with  the  peaceable  ex- 
ercise of  conscientious  duty,  was  contrary  to  Chris- 
tianity and  to  sound  principles  of  government. 
They  meddled  not  with  the  politics  of  the  day,  nor 
professed  to  be  skilled  in  questions  of  royal  pre- 
rogative. The  knowledge,  that  hundreds  of  their 
brethren  were  unjustly  lying  in  prisons,  while  their 
helpless  families  were  exposed  to  the  rapacity  of 


xl 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


merciless  informers,  was  an  argument  sufficiently 
powerful,  to  induce  them  to  accept  the  relief  which 
the  king's  declaration  afforded.  An  application 
was  accordingly  made  to  the  crown  for  the  discharge 
of  those  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  conscience' 
sake ;  and  such  was  the  favourable  opinion  produced 
by  the  constanc}^,  and  uniformly  peaceable  and  con- 
sistent conduct  of  the  Society,  that  a  warrant  was 
readily  obtained  for  their  liberation.  The  success 
of  this  application,  afforded  Friends  an  opportunity 
of  proving  the  sincerity  of  their  opinions  in  favour 
of  universal  toleration  and  charity.  There  were 
other  dissenters  confined  in  the  same  prisons,  and 
their  solicitors  requesting  the  aid  of  Friends  in  their 
behalf,  they  cheerfully  accorded  it,  and  included  the 
names  of  their  prisoners  in  the  same  instrument,  by 
which  their  own  members  were  relieved  from  bonds. 

The  respite  which  the  declaration  afforded  was  of 
short  duration ;  for  in  the  following  year,  the  par- 
liament compelled  the  king  to  revoke  it ;  in  conse- 
quence of  which,  the  sufferings  of  Friends  were  re- 
newed, though  not  to  the  same  extent  as  before. 

If  the  calamities  in  which  Friends  bore  so  large 
a  share  had  no  other  good  effect,  they  evidently 
tended  to  convince  the  nation  of  the  folly  of  perse- 
cuting men  for  differences  of  opinion.  More  than 
thirty  years  of  suffering  had  passed  over,  and  not  a 
single  Quaker  had  been  induced  by  it  to  abandon 
his  profession — they  were  as  prompt  and  diligent  as 
ever  in  the  open  performance  of  their  religious 


TO    LIFE    OF  GEORGE    FOX.  x'i 

duties,  and  as  ready,  patiently  to  submit  to  the 
penalties  of  unrighteous  laws.  They  never  resorted 
to  violence  or  retaliation,  relying  on  the  justice  of 
their  cause,  the  truth  and  soundness  of  their  argu- 
ments, and  their  peaceable  and  blameless  conduct, 
to  effect  a  change  in  the  minds  of  those  in  power. 
This  change  now  began  to  be  apparent. 

In  1680,  a  bill  w^as  introduced  to  parliament  for 
exempting  dissenters  from  penal  laws.  Friends  lost 
no  time  in  presenting  themselves  before  the  com- 
mittee as  the  advocates  of  such  a  measure,  and 
urging  the  insertion  of  such  clauses,  as  would  afford 
relief  to  the  members  of  the  Society,  on  the  subject 
of  oaths.  So  successful  were  they  in  these  endea- 
vours, that  they  obtained  an  amendment  to  the  bill, 
admitting  a  declaration  of  fidelity,  instead  of  the 
oath  of  allegiance.  But  the  state  of  affairs  was  not 
ripe  for  such  an  important  change,  and  the  bill  was 
lost.  Another,  however,  passed  both  houses,  ex- 
empting dissenters  from  the  operation  of  the  statute 
of  the  35th  of  Elizabeth.  But  when  it  should  have 
been  presented  to  the  king  for  his  assent,  it  was  not 
to  be  found,  having  been  secreted  purposely,  as  was 
believed,  to  defeat  the  measure.  In  the  next  year 
the  parliament  passed  the  following  resolutions,  viz. 

"  1.  Kesolved,  that  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  house, 

that  the  acts  of  parliament  made  in  the  reigns  of 

Queen  Elizabeth  and  King  James,  against  popish 

recusants,  ought  not  to  be  extended  against  protes- 

tant  dissenters. 
4  * 


xlii  INTEODUCTO-RY  REMARKS 

"2.  Eesolved,  that  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  liou^e, 
that  the  prosecution  of  protestant  dissenters  upon 
the  penal  laws,  is  at  this  time  grievous  to  the  sub- 
ject, a  weakening  of  the  Protestant  interest,  an  en- 
couragement to  Popery,  and  dangerous  to  the  peace 
of  the  kingdom." 

These  votes  showed  the  growing  feeling  in  favour 
of  dissenters,  and  mark  the  gradual  progress  of 
those  principles  of  religious  liberty,  which  were 
more  fully  recognized  in  1688,  by  the  passage  of  the 
Toleration  Act,  under  William  and  Mary,  a  measure 
which  afforded  great  relief  to  Friends,  though  they 
were  still  subject  to  prosecutions  for  tithes  and  for 
refusing  to  swear.  After  repeated  applications  to 
the  king  and  parliament,  a  bill  was  brought  into 
the  house,  in  1695,  and  finally  passed  early  in  the 
following  year,  allowing  the  solemn  afiirmation  of  a 
Friend  instead  of  an  oath. 

Having  taken  a  cursory  view  of  the  laws  under 
which  the  persecution  of  the  Society  was  carried  on, 
it  is  proper  we  should  briefly  allude  to  the  state  of 
religion  in  the  nation,  at  the  time  of,  and  subse- 
quently to,  the  rise  of  Friends. 

In  treating  this  subject,  the  statements  of  histo- 
rians are  of  the  most  opposite  and  contradictory 
character.  Clarendon  and  others,  who  espouse  the 
royal  cause,  are  unwilling  to  accord  to  the  Puritans 
either  sincerity  or  truth.  They  allege  that  canting 
and  hypocrisy  were  the  order  of  the  day  —  that  a 
high  profession  of  religion,  and  great  pretensions 


TO    LIFE   OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


xliii 


to  sanctity  and  strictness,  were  the  road  to  prefer- 
ment and  power,  and  were  therefore  assumed  from 
ambitious  motives. 

The  advocates  of  the  Puritan  part}-,  on  the  other 
hand,  represent  the  established  Church  as  extremely 
corrupt — her  ministers  destitute  of  even  the  profes- 
sion of  religion,  and  in  many  cases,  guilty  of  scan- 
dalous and  immoral  behaviour.  That  she  enforced 
by  severe  penalties,  a  compliance  with  superstitious 
ceremonies,  while  she  tolerated  practices  of  evil  ten- 
dency, and  discountenanced  everything  like  zeal  or 
fervour  in  religion.  Allowance,  however,  is  to  be 
made  for  the  bias  of  party  attachments,  and  the  dis- 
torted views  which  prejudice  gives  of  the  character 
of  an  opponent.  That  great  laxity  of  morals,  as 
well  as  neglect  of  their  prescribed  duties,  had  crept 
into  the  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England,  cannot 
be  denied.  Many  of  them  never  preached,  and  ad- 
dicted themselves  to  hunting,  and  other  sports;  fre- 
quenting alehouses  and  taverns,  and  indulging  in 
drunkenness  and  other  licentious  practices. 

In  16-40,  the  parliament  appointed  a  committee 
to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  the  ministers  of  reli- 
gion, for  removing  scandalous  ministers,  and  put- 
ting others  in  their  places,  as  well  as  to  procure  min- 
isters for  places  where  there  were  none.  A  part  of 
the  proceedings  of  this  committee  was  published, 
containing  cases  of  one  hundred  who  had  been  tried 
and  ejected ;  from  which  it  appears  that  eighty  of 
them  w^ere  convicted  of  immoralities.    The  reputa- 


xliv  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

tion  of  some  of  them  has  been  defended  by  writers 
on  the  side  of  the  Church,  though  they  admit  that 
others  were  very  vicious,  and  the  offences  of  several 
so  foul,  that  it  is  a  shame  even  to  report  them.  Bax- 
ter says,  that  "  in  all  the  counties  where  he  was  ac- 
quainted, six  to  one,  at  least,  if  not  many  more, 
that  were  sequestered  by  the  committee,  were  by 
the  oaths  of  witnesses  proved  insufficient  or  scan- 
dalous, or  especially  guilty  of  drunkenness  and 
swearing.  This  I  know,  says  he,  will  displease  the 
party,  but  I  am  sure  that  this  is  true." 

The  writings  of  Friends  frequently  mention  min- 
isters, whose  characters  were  similar  to  those  alluded 
to  in  the  above  statements;  and  if  the  language 
sometimes  used  by  members  of  the  Society,  in  ad- 
dressing them,  appears  severe,  an  ample  reason  for 
it  is  furnished,  by  the  disgraceful  conduct  to  which 
too  many  were  addicted.  It  is  not  designed,  how- 
ever, to  involve  the  whole  body  in  indiscriminate 
censure.  There  were,  doubtless,  among  them,  per- 
sons of  sincere  piety  and  exemplary  lives,  and  who, 
according  to  the  degree  of  light  afforded  them,  en- 
deavoured to  discharge  their  duties  with  fidelity. 

When  the  reins  of  government  came  into  the 
hands  of  the  Puritans,  efforts  were  made  to  procure 
a  reformation  in  the  morals  of  the  nation.  The  li- 
centious practices  which  had  grown  out  of  the  en- 
couragement given  to  games,  sports  and  revels,  on 
the  first-day  of  the  week,  were  checked.  Those 
vain  amusements,  together  with  stage  plays,  were 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


xlv 


prohibited;  the  observance  of  the  first-day  was 
strictly  euforced,  and  regular  attendance  at  places  of 
worship  enjoined. 

It  was  certainly  a  period,  when  the  profession  of 
religion,  and  a  compliance  with  its  exterior  requisi- 
tions were  held  in  high  esteem ;  though  it  cannot 
be  denied,  that  there  were  some  who  put  on  the 
garb,  in  order  more  effectually  to  accomplish  their 
ambitious  and  sinister  designs.  However  just  the 
severe  censures  of  some  historians  may  be,  witli  re- 
ference to  these  individuals,  they  cannot  with  fair- 
ness be  applied  to  others  —  nor  should  the  whole 
mass  of  Puritans  be  stigmatized,  in  consequence  of 
the  duplicity  of  some  particular  professors. 

The  following  observations  from  Orme's  life  of 
Owen,  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  religious  condition 
of  the  nation  during  the  protectorship  of  Oliver,  viz. 

"  Of  the  true  state  of  religion  during  the  period 
of  Cromwell's  government,  it  is  difficult  to  form  an 
accurate  estimate.  Judging  from  certain  external 
appearances,  and  comparing  them  with  the  times 
which  followed,  the  opinion  must  be  highly  favour- 
able. Religion  was  the  language  and  garb  of  the 
court ;  prayer  and  fasting  were  fashionable  exercises 
—  a  profession  was  the  road  to  preferment  —  not  a 
play  was  acted  in  all  England  for  many  years ;  and 
from  the  prince  to  the  peasant  and  common  soldier, 
the  features  of  Puritanism  were  universally  ex- 
hibited. JudgriDoj  aojain  from  the  wildness  and  ex- 
travagance  of  various  opinions  and  practices  which 


xlvi  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

then  obtained,  and  from  the  fanatical  slang,  and 
hypocritical  grimace  which  were  adopted  by  many, 
merely  to  answer  a  purpose,  our  opinion  will  ne- 
cessarily be  unfavourable.  The  truth  perhaps  lies 
betw^een  the  extremes  of  unqualified  censure,  and 
undistinguishing  approbation.  Making  all  due  al- 
lowance for  the  infirmity  and  sin  which  were  com- 
bined with  the  profession  of  religion — making  every 
abatement  for  the  inducements  which  then  en- 
couraged the  use  of  a  religious  vocabularj- — admit- 
ting that  there  was  even  a  large  portion  of  pure  fa- 
naticism, still,  we  apprehend  an  immense  mass  of 
genuine  religion  will  remain.  There  must  have 
been  a  large  quantity  of  sterling  coin,  when  there 
w^as  such  a  circulation  of  counterfeit.  In  the  best 
of  the  men  of  that  period,  there  was,  doubtless,  a 
tincture  of  unscriptural  enthusiasm,  and  the  use  of 
a  phraseology,  revolting  to  the  taste  of  modern  time; 
in  many  perhaps  there  was  nothing  more;  but  to 
infer,  that  therefore  all  was  base,  unnatural  deceit, 
would  be  unjust  and  unwise.  'A  reformation,*  says 
Jortin,  ^  is  seldom  carried  on  without  heat  and  vehe- 
mence, which  borders  on  enthusiasm.  As  Cicero 
has  observed,  that  there  never  was  a  great  man  sine 
afflatu  divino  [without  a  divine  inbreathing ;]  so  in 
times  of  religious  contests,  there  seldom  was  a  man 
very  zealous  for  liberty,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  and 
a  declared  active  enemy  to  insolent  tyranny,  blind 
superstition,  political  godliness,  bigotry  and  pious 
frauds,  who  had  not  a  fervency  of  zeal  which  led 


TO   LIFE    OF    GEORGE    FOX.  xlvii 

him,  on  some  occasions,  beyond  the  bounds  of  sober, 
temperate  reason.'  " 

From  the  dawn  of  the  reformation,  the  spirit  of 
religious  inquiry  had  been  kept  alive  and  strength- 
ened by  the  very  efforts  used  to  suppress  it.  The 
shackles  with  which  priestcraft  had  attempted  to 
bind  the  human  mind,  had  been  in  some  measure 
broken,  and  an  earnest  desire  awakened  after  the 
saving  knowledge  of  the  truth,  as  it  is  in  Jesus. 
This  was  increased  by  the  troubles  of  the  times. 
The  nation  was  torn  by  intestine  strife.  Civil  war, 
with  all  its  attendant  evils,  raged  throughout  the 
countr}',  and  the  property,  as  well  as  the  lives  of  the 
subjects,  were  at  the  mercy  of  a  lawless  soldiery. 
Many  were  stripped  of  their  outward  possessions; 
reduced  to  poverty  and  want,  and  often  obliged  to 
abandon  their  homes,  and  flee  for  the  preservation 
of  their  lives. 

This  melancholy  state  of  affairs,  had  a  tendency 
to  loosen  their  attachments  from  the  world,  by  show- 
ing the  precarious  tenure  of  all  earthly  enjoyments, 
and  to  induce  men  to  press  after  those  substantial 
and  permanent  consolations,  which  are  only  to  be 
found  in  a  religious  life. 

Where  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  power  were  so 
frequently  shifting  hands,  and  the  national  form  of 
religion  changing  with  every  change  of  rulers,  new 
sects  and  opinions  arising,  and  different  teachers  of 
religion  inviting  their  attention,  and  saying,  "Lo 
here  is  Christ !  or  lo  he  is  there  !"  it  is  not  surprising 


xlviii 


I  N  T  R  0  D  irC  T  0  11  Y    K  E  M  ARKS 


that  the  honest  and  sincere  inquirers  after  the  ri^^^lit 
way  of  the  Lord,  should  be  greatly  perplexed.  The 
effect  of  these  commotions  was  to  wean  men  from  a 
dependence  on  each  other,  in  the  work  of  religion, 
and  to  prepare  their  minds  for  the  reception  of  the 
important  truth,  that  however  useful  instrumental 
means  of  divine  appointment  may  be,  it  is  the  glory 
of  the  gospel  dispensation,  that  the  Lord,  by  his 
Holy  Spirit,  is  himself  the  teacher  of  his  people. 
Previous  to  the  commencement  of  George  Fox's 
ministry,  many  ha.d  withdrawn  from  all  the  acknow- 
ledged forms  of  public  worship,  and  were  engaged 
in  diligently  searching  the  Holy  Scriptures,  with 
prayer  for  right  direction  in  the  path  of  duty,  and 
frequently  meeting  in  select  companies,  for  the  wor- 
ship of  Almighty  God  and  their  mutual  edification. 
Among  these  the  preaching  of  George  Fox  found  a 
ready  entrance,  and  many  of  them  joined  in  reli- 
gious profession  with  him. 

The  period  of  which  w^e  have  been  speaking,  may 
justly  be  denominated  the  age  of  polemic  strife. 
The  war  itself  had  been  commenced  ostensibly  for 
the  redress  of  religious  grievances.  In  the  camp 
and  the  field,  as  well  as  by  the  fireside,  religion  was 
the  absorbing  theme.  The  Baptists  and  Independ- 
ents encouraged  persons  to  preach,  who  had  not 
studied  for  the  ministry,  nor  been  formally  ordained  ; 
and  numbers  of  this  description  engaged  in  the  vo- 
cation, with  unwearied  assiduity,  often  holding 
meetings  in  the  fields,  or  preaching  in  the  market- 


TO    LIFE    OF    (GEORGE  FOX. 


xlix 


places.  The  parliament  army  abounded  with  them, 
and  preaching,  praying,  and  disputing  on  points  of 
doctrine,  were  daily  to  be  heard  among  both  officers 
and  soldiers.  Public  disputations  were  also  com- 
mon, and  w^ere  often  conducted  with  a  warmth  of 
temper,  and  harshness  of  language,  which  seem 
hardly  consistent  with  the  meek  and  gentle  spirit  of 
the  gospel.  Modern  ideas  of  courtesy  and  propriety, 
can  scarcely  tolerate  the  latitude  of  expression, 
which  the  antas^onists  sometimes  indulo^ed  toward 
each  other,  not  only  on  these  occasions,  but  in  their 
controversial  essays. 

Amid  so  much  strife  and  contention,  and  the  in- 
temperate feelings  naturally  arising  out  of  them,  it 
is  not  surprising,  that  even  good  men  should  have 
formed  erroneous  opinions  of  the  character  and  sen- 
timent of  each  other.  They  judged  rather  by  the 
impulses  of  prejudice  and  sectarian  feeling,  than  by 
the  law  of  truth  and  Christian  kindness.  In  the 
heat  of  discussion,  the  mind  is  not  in  a  condition  to 
form  a  sound  and  correct  judgment.  The  weakness 
or  mistakes  of  an  opponent,  are  seen  through  a 
medium,  which  greatly  magnifies  them ;  while  his 
virtues  are  either  depreciated,  or  distorted  into 
errors.  The  controversial  writings  of  the  times, 
furnish  evidence  of  the  existence  of  these  uncharit- 
able feelings,  among  nearly  all  denominations  of 
professors ;  and  he  who  reads  them  with  the  en- 
lightened and  liberal  views  of  religious  toleration, 
which  now  happily  obtain,  will  observe  wath  regret, 


1 


INTRODUCTORY    R  E  M  ARKS 


men  of  unquestionable  piety,  unchristianizing  each 
other  for  opinion's  sake ;  and  lament  that  such 
monuments  of  human  frailty  should  have  been 
handed  down  to  posterit}^ 

Those  who  judge  of  the  wu^itings  of  the  first 
Friends,  by  modern  standards  of  literary  excellence 
and  courtesy,  are  apt  to  censure  them  for  their  se- 
verity. Much,  however,  may  be  said  in  extenuation 
of  them.  Friends  were  particularly  obnoxious  to 
the  hatred  of  the  clergy,  in  consequence  of  their  un- 
yielding opposition  to  a  ministry  of  human  appoint- 
ment, to  a  system  of  tithes  and  a  forced  mainte- 
nance. Their  views  on  these  subjects,  which  they 
fearlessly  published,  struck  directly  at  priestcraft. 
Deeply  affected  by  the  corruption  which  they  saw 
among  many  who  assumed  the  sacred  ofiice,  they 
boldly  declaimed  against  their  cupidity,  licentious- 
ness, and  persecution.  This  course  drew  upon  them 
a  host  of  enemies,  wdio  w^ere  not  very  nice  in  the 
choice  of  means  to  lessen  their  influence  and  pre- 
judice their  characters.  Friends  were  assailed  with 
calumny  and  misrepresentation  ;  opinions  and  prac- 
tices were  charged  upon  them,  of  w^hich  they  so- 
lemnly declared  themselves  innocent ;  yet  they  were 
again  and  again  renewed  with  the  boldest  effrontery. 
The  conduct  of  some  of  the  visionary  sects  which 
arose  about  the  same  time,  was  unjustly  imputed  to 
them,  and  every  advantage  that  could  be  taken,  was 
eagerly  embraced  to  prejudice  their  religious  pro- 
fession.   Harassed  by  this  unchristian  conduct,  and 


TO    LIFE    OF    G  E  0        E  FOX. 


li 


at  the  same  time  smarting  under  a  cruel  persecution, 
they  must  have  been  more  than  human,  if  the  weak- 
ness of  nature  had  never  betrayed  them  into  an  \m- 
guarded,  or  intemperate  expression.  A  comparison, 
however,  with  other  controversialists  of  the  times, 
will  show  that  they  were  not  peculiar  in  this  respect. 
It  should  be  recollected,  too,  that  language,  as  well 
as  the  regulations  of  decorum  toward  opponents, 
have  undergone  a  great  change  since  that  time. 
Expressions  which  sound  harsh  and  offensive  to 
modern  ears,  were  then  considered  strictly  within 
the  limits  of  propriety,  and  appear  to  have  given  no 
offence  to  those  who  were  the  objects  of  them.  This 
license  of  the  tongue  and  pen,  is  found  also  in  the 
parliamentary  debates,  and  appears  to  have  charac- 
terized those  times  of  excitement  and  recrimination. 

Another  practice  which  prevailed  to  some  extent, 
was  that  of  going  into  the  places  of  worship,  and 
addressing  the  congregation  during  the  time  of  ser- 
vice. Custom  had  sanctioned  the  practice  of  asking 
the  minister,  at  the  close  of  the  service,  respecting 
difficult  or  abstruse  points,  which  required  explana- 
tion. This  liberty  was  exercised  to  a  much  greater 
extent,  during  the  period  of  which  we  have  been 
speaking,  and  not  unfrequently  a  dispute  followed. 
The  overthrow  of  the  national  form  of  worship,  and 
the  consequent  termination  of  ecclesiastical  restric- 
tions, had  a  tendency  to  induce  greater  latitude  in 
this  respect,  than  comports  with  our  ideas  of  good 
order.    The  manner  in  which  Friends  speak  of 


lii 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


those  cases,  in  which  they  went  to  places  of  wor- 
ship other  than  their  own,  induces  the  belief  that  it 
was  not  extraordinary;  and  in  most,  if  not  all,  in- 
stances in  which  violence  to  their  persons  was  the 
consequence,  it  appears  to  have  been  the  doctrine 
delivered,  rather  than  the  time  and  manner  of  com- 
municating it,  which  called  forth  the  angry  passions 
of  the  assailants.  Friends  were  not  alone  in  this 
course,  and  sometimes  their  mifiistrations  were  so 
acceptable  to  the  audience,  as  to  induce  them  to  re- 
main, after  the  stated  preacher  had  withdrawn. 

The  religious  men  of  that  day,  are  commonly 
charged  with  evincing  a  fanatical  and  enthusiastic 
spirit,  and  Friends  of  course  come  in  for  a  large 
share  of  the  censure.  To  deny  that  there  were 
cases  in  which  such  a  spirit  was  evinced,  would  be 
folly ;  but  to  brand  whole  communities  of  profess- 
ing Christians  with  those  epithets,  on  account  of 
the  excesses  of  a  few  members,  would  be  extremely 
unjust.  It  is,  moreover,  difficult  for  us  to  judge  cor- 
rectly of  the  exigencies  of  the  church  during  that 
period,  and  what  degree  of  energy  and  fervour  was 
requisite,  to  carry  those  holy  men  through  the  work 
of  their  day.  We  know  that  a  much  stronger  feel- 
ing must  have  been  necessary  to  stem  the  torrent  of 
abuse  and  persecution,  and  carry  forward  the  refor- 
mation, than  the  present  day  of  outward  ease  and 
liberty  would  probably  elicit.  It  is,  moreover, 
highl}^  unreasonable  to  allow  men  of  the  world,  their 
fervour  and  self-devotion  in  the  pursuit  of  the  com- 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


liii 


parativcly  trivial  objects  of  their  choice,  and  yet 
censure  them  in  those  who  are  pressing  after  the 
momentous  concerns  of  salvation,  with  an  earnest- 
ness becoming  their  vast  importance. 

In  the  succeeding  reign  of  Charles  II.,  the  face 
of  things  was  greatly  changed.  The  court  was  de- 
voted to  licentious  pleasures,  while  religion  and  re- 
ligious things  Avere  made  a  mere  laughing-stock. 
The  restoration  opened  the  very  floodgates  of  vice 
and  wickedness.  spirit  of  extravagant  joy," 

says  Bishop  Burnet,  "  spread  over  the  nation,  that 
brought  in  with  it  the  throwing  ofl"  the  very  profes- 
sions of  virtue  and  piety :  all  ended  in  entertain- 
ments and  drunkenness;  which  overrun  the  three 
kingdoms  to  such  a  degree,  that  it  very  much  cor- 
rupted all  their  morals.  Under  the  cover  of  drink- 
ing the  king's  health,  there  were  great  disorders 
and  great  riots  every  where."  This  lamentable  state 
of  things  was  the  source  of  great  concern  to  Friends, 
several  of  whom  addressed  the  king  on  the  subject, 
reminding  him  of  the  fate  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrha  ; 
and  that  in  his  own  dominions,  wickedness  had 
reached  a  height  which  must  certainly  call  down  the 
divine  displeasure.  Many  Friends  were  engaged  to 
go  to  the  courts  of  justice  and  exhort  the  officers  to 
the  discharge  of  their  duties  in  endeavouring  to  sup- 
press it;  they  also  preached  against  it  in  the  mar- 
kets and  places  of  public  entertainment.  So  con- 
trary were  their  example  and  precepts,  to  the  pre- 
vailing corruptions,  and  so  plain  and  fearless  the 


liv 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


rebukes  they  administered,  that  they  were  subjected 
to  much  abuse ;  yet  in  many  cases,  they  were  the 
happy  instruments  of  turning  sinners  from  the  evil 
of  their  ways.  The  licentiousness  which  had  in- 
fected nearly  all  ranks  of  society,  and  was  tolerated, 
if  not  countenanced,  by  too  many  whose  duty  it 
was  to  repress  it,  furnished  ample  reason  for  the 
close  and  even  sharp  expostulations,  which  are  found 
about  this  time  in  the  writings  of  Friends. 

In  taking  a  view  of  the  religious  principles  of  the 
Society,  it  is  proper  to  remark,  that  they  have  always 
scrupulously  adhered  to  the  position,  of  proving 
their  doctrines  by  the  testimony  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, rejecting  whatever  was  contrary  to  the  tenor 
of  those  divine  WTitings.  In  their  ministerial 
labours,  their  constant  appeal  to  the  people,  against 
the  existing  errors,  w^as  to  Holy  Scripture.  It  is  a 
well-known  fact  that  George  Fox  carried  a  Bible 
with  him,  which  he  frequently  used  in  his  preach- 
ing; and  in  the  meeting-house  which  he  gave  to 
Friends  of  Swarthmore,  he  placed  a  Bible  for  the 
convenience  of  reference  and  perusal,  by  those  who 
attended  the  meeting.  Samuel  Bownas  also  carried 
a  copy  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  with  him,  and  some- 
times preached  with  it  in  his  hand;  and  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  the  practice  w^as  not  uncom- 
mon. These  facts  contradict  the  groundless  accu- 
sation which  is  sometimes  made,  that  those  worthy 
men  did  not  acknowledge  the  paramount  authority 
of  Holy  Scripture  over  all  other  writings.    The  So- 


TOLIFEOFrxEORGEFOX.  Iv 

ciety  lias  always  accepted  them  fully  and  literally,  as 
a  rule  of  faith  and  practice  under  the  enlightening 
influences  of  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  by  which  they 
were  given  forth.  Such  is  the  high  character  they 
have  ever  attached  to  the  Sacred  text,-  that  they  uni- 
formly refused  to  accept,  instead  of  it,  the  glosses 
and  interpretations  of  school-men.  It  was  thus 
they  were  led  to  the  observance  of  the  positive  com- 
mands of  our  Saviour  not  to  swear  or  fight,  even  in 
self-defence,  as  well  as  to  the  strict  and  literal  ac- 
ceptance of  those  precepts  which  forbid  worldly 
compliance  and  indulgence ;  from  the  force  of  which, 
too  many  professors  have  sought  to  escape.  It  is 
true,  that  they  recommended  their  hearers  to  Christ 
Jesus  the  Heavenly  Teacher,  who,  by  his  Holy 
Spirit,  has  come  to  teach  his  people  himself;  yet 
they  were  careful  to  support  this  recommendation 
by  showing  its  entire  consonance  with  the  whole 
scope  of  the  Christian  dispensation. 

But  while  Friends  fully  admitted  the  divine  origin 
and  authority  of  the  Sacred  Volume,  and  acknow- 
ledged the  richness  of  the  blessing  we  enjoy  in 
having  it  preserved  and  transmitted  to  us,  through 
the  goodness  of  Divine  Providence,  they  dared  not 
put  it  in  the  place  of  Christ,  either  as  regarded 
honour  or  office,  nor  prefer  it  to  the  operations  and 
teachings  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  heart;  errors 
which  they  believed  they  saw  in  many  of  the  high 
professors  of  their  day. 

They  wished  the  Scriptures  of  Truth  and  the  Holy 


Ivi 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


Spirit  to  occupy  the  places  in  the  work  of  salvation, 
respectively  assigned  to  them  in  the  Bible  itself,  and 
that  the  honour  due  to  the  Author  and  Giver  should 
not  be  conferred  on  the  gift.  It  was  for  these  causes, 
that  they  pressed  on  professors  the  necessity  of 
coming  unto  Christ,  that  they  might  have  life,  even 
though  versed  in  the  literal  knowledge  of  the  Bible. 
That  as  its  precious  truths  are  not  savingly  known 
or  appreciated  by  the  unassisted  reason  of  fallen 
men,  so  it  is  necessary  to  seek  the  aid  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  wdiich  searcheth  all  things,  yea,  the  deep 
things  of  God,  to  open  our  understandings,  and  il- 
luminate the  darkness  of  our  hearts,  and  prepare  us 
for  their  reception.  In  asserting  the  superiority  of 
the  knowledge  thus  derived  through  the  operations 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  over  that  which  is  acquired  from 
reading  the  Sacred  Volume  by  the  mere  exercise  of 
the  unassisted  intellectual  faculties.  Friends  were 
sometimes  misunderstood ;  and  charged  with  deny- 
ing the  Scriptures  of  Truth,  placing  their  own  wri- 
tings on  a  level  with  them,  and  professing  that 
equally  good  Scriptures  could  be  written  at  the  pre- 
sent day,  as  those  which  were  penned  by  Prophets, 
Evangelists,  and  Apostles.  But  no  sooner  were 
these  accusations  made,  than  they  were  met  by  an 
unqualified  denial,  asserting  in  the  fullest  and  most 
solemn  manner,  their  sincere  belief  in  all  that  the 
Scriptures  say  respecting  their  Divine  origin,  au- 
thority, and  use. 

The  prominent  manner  in  which  they  believed 


TO    LIFE    OF   G  E  0  E  G  E    FOX.  Ivii 

themselves  called  to  hold  up  the  important  offices 
of  the  IIol}'  Spirit  in  the  work  of  salvation,  was  an- 
other source  of  misapprehension  among  their  oppo- 
nents. Baxter,  in  his  account  of  Friends,  sa3"s  of 
them,  They  spake  much  for  the  dwelling  and  work- 
ing of  the  Spirit  in  us,  but  little  of  justification  and 
the  pardon  of  sin,  and  our  reconciliation  with  God, 
through  Jesus  Christ." 

It  is  not  correct  to  say  that  Friends  "spake  little  " 
on  the  great  doctrines  of  justification  and  remission 
of  sins,  through  Christ  Jesus,  our  propitiation ;  for 
they  frequently  and  earnestly  insisted  on  them. 
But  finding  that  these  were  generally  admitted  by 
all  Christian  professors,  while  many  either  entirely 
denied,  or  undervalued  the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
in  the  heart,  they  were  engaged  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  people  to  this,  as  the  life  of  true  religion ; 
without  which  the  Scriptures  could  not  make  them 
wise  unto  salvation,  and  Christ  would  have  died  for 
them  in  vain.  But  while  thus  enforcing  this  im- 
portant doctrine  of  Holy  Scripture,  they  were  care- 
ful to  recognize  and  acknowledge  the  whole  scope 
of  the  Gospel,  in  all  its  fulness.  They  declared 
against  that  construction  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ's 
satisfaction,  which  taught  men  to  believe  they  could 
be  justified  from  their  sins,  while  they  continued  in 
tliem  impenitent;  asserting  that  the  very  design  of 
Christ's  coming  in  the  flesh,  was  to  save  people /ro??i 
their  sins,  and  to  destroy  the  works  of  the  devil. 
Yet  they  fully  and  gratefully  acknowledged  the 


Iviii 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


mercy  of  God,  in  giving  his  dear  Son,  a  ransom  and 
•atonement  for  mankind,  that  the  penitent  sinner 
might  be  justified  freely  by  his  grace,  through  the 
redemption  that  is  in  Christ  Jesus. 

jNIany  of  them  were  persons  who  had  been  highly 
esteemed  for  their  piety,  in  the  societies  with  which 
they  had  formerly  been  connected,  and  several  of 
them  had  been  preachers.  In  the  progress  of  their 
religious  experience,  they  w^ere  convinced  that  they 
had  been  resting  too  much  on  a  bare  belief  of  what 
Christ  had  done  and  suffered  for  them,  when  per- 
sonally on  earth,  and  also  in  the  ceremonies  of  re- 
ligion, without  sufficiently  pressing  after  the  know- 
ledge of  "  Christ  in  them,  the  hope  of  glory  "  — to 
feel  his  righteous  government  set  up  in  their  hearts, 
and  the  power  of  the  Holy  Spirit  giving  them  the 
victory  over  sin  in  all  its  motions,  and  qualifying 
them  to  serve  God  in  newness  of  life.  They  saw 
that  the  Holy  Scriptures  held  up  to  the  view  of 
Christians,  a  state  of  religious  advancement  and  sta- 
bility, far  beyond  that  which  most  of  the  professors 
of  their  day  appeared  to  aim  at  and  admit;  a  state 
in  which  sin  was  to  have  no  more  dominion  over 
them,  because  the  law  of  the  Spirit  of  life  in  Christ 
Jesus,  had  set  them  free  from  the  law  of  sin  and 
death.  That  this  was  an  inward  work,  not  effected 
by  a  bare  assent  of  the  understanding  to  the  blessed 
truths  contained  in  the  Bible,  hearing  sermons,  dip- 
ping or  sprinkling  in  water,  or  partaking  of  bread 
and  wine,  but  a  real  change  of  the  heart  and  affec- 


TO    LIFE    OF    G  E  0  R  0  E  FOX. 


]ix 


tions,  by  the  power  of  the  Holy  Ghost  inwardly  re- 
vealed, regenerating  the  soul,  creating  it  anew  in 
Christ  Jesus,  and  making  all  things  pertaining  to  it 
of  God. 

Convinced  that  this  great  work  was  necessary  to 
salvation,  and  yet  in  great  danger  of  being  over- 
looked amid  a  round  of  ceremonial  performances, 
and  a  high  profession  of  belief  in  Christ  as  the  pro- 
pitiation of  sins,  they  zealously  preached  the  doc- 
trine of  the  new  birth  ;  calling  their  hearers  to  come 
to  Christ  Jesus,  the  true  Light  which  lighteth  every 
man  that  cometh  into  the  world,  that  they  might 
experience  Him  to  shine  into  their  hearts,  to  give 
them  the  light  of  the  knowledge  of  the  glory  of 
God  in  the  face  of  Jesus  Christ. 

The  offices  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  or  Comforter,  as 
the  guide  into  all  Truth,  as  the  unction  from  the 
Holy  One  which  teacheth  of  all  things,  and  is  Truth, 
and  no  lie,  was  the  great  theme  of  their  contempla- 
tion and  ministr}',  and  it  stands  forth  no  less  con- 
spicuously in  their  writings. 

When  we  turn  to  the  Sacred  Volume,  and  read 
there  the  numerous  testimonies  borne  to  the  great 
importance  of  this  doctrine  in  the  Gospel  plan,  we 
cannot  wonder  to  lind  it  prominently  set  forth  by  a 
people  professing  eminently  the  spirituality  of  reli- 
gion. But  to  infer  from  the  fact  of  their  preaching 
Christ  within,  that  they  designed  in  any  degree  to 
deny  Christ  without,  or  to  derogate  from  any  part 
of  the  work  which,  in  adorable  condescension,  he 


Ix 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


was  graciously  pleased  to  accomplish  for  ns,  in  the 
prepared  body,  or  from  that  complete  justification 
from  our  sins  which  is  obtained  through  living  faith 
in  Him,  as  our  sacrifice  and  Mediator,  would  be  il- 
liberal and  unjust. 

"When  such  accusations  were  brousrht  against 
them  by  their  enemies,  they  indignantly  repelled 
and  denied  them ;  and  the  ofiicial  declarations  and 
acts  of  the  Society  evince  that  such  opinions  were 
never  received  or  tolerated  by  it. 

In  carrying  out  these  views  of  the  spiritual  nature 
of  the  Gospel,  and  of  that  great  work  in  the  soul 
described  as  "  the  washing  of  regeneration  and  the 
renewing  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  the  primitive  Friends 
were  led  to  the  adoption  of  their  peculiar  sentiments 
respecting  water  baptism  and  the  use  of  the  bread 
and  wine.  They  found  it  declared  in  the  Sacred 
Volume,  that  as  there  is  one  Lord  and  one  faith," 
so  there  is  but  "  one  baptism  ;"  and  that  "the  bap- 
tism which  now  saves,  is  not  the  putting  away  the 
filth  of  the  flesh,  but  the  answer  of  a  good  con- 
science toward  God,  by  the  resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christ."  Corresponding  with  this,  is  the  saying  of 
the  apostle  to  the  llomans,  "Know  ye  not  that  so 
many  of  us  as  were  baptized  into  Jesus  Christ,  were 
baptized  into  his  death — therefore,  we  are  buried 
with  him  by  baptism  into  death;  that  like  as  Christ 
was  raised  up  from  the  dead,  by  the  glory  of  the 
Father,  even  so,  we  also  should  walk  in  newness  of 
life."  Also,  that  to  the  Galatians,  "As  many  of 
you  as  have  been  baptized  into  Christ,  have  put  on 


TO    LIFE    OF    CxEORGE  FOX. 


Ixi 


Christ;"  and  to  the  Colossians,  where  he  declares 
that  those  who  are  in  Christ,  "  are  buried  with  him. 
in  baptism,  wherein,  also,  ye  are  risen  with  him, 
through  the  faith  of  the  operation  of  God,  who  hath 
raised  him  from  the  dead."  Sensible  that  these 
blessed  effects  were  not  the  result  of  dipping  or 
sprinkling  the  body  with  water,  and  apprehensive 
that  many  professors  of  religion  were  trusting  to  the 
outw^ard  ceremony,  as  a  means  of  initiating  them^ 
into  the  Church  of  Christ,  while  neglecting  the  ne- 
cessary work  of  repentance  toward  God  and  faith 
in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,"  they  pressed  upon  their 
hearers  the  necessity  of  experiencing  that  one  saving 
baptism,  which  John  describes  when  drawing  the 
distinction  between  his  dispensation  and  that  of 
Christ — "  I  indeed  baptize  you  with  water :  but  One 
mighter  than  I  cometh,  the  latchet  of  whose  shoes 
lam  not  worthy  to  unloose:  He  shall  baptize  you 
with,  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire." 

Convinced  that  the  Gospel  is  not  a  dispensation 
of  shadows,  but  the  very  substance  of  the  heavenly 
things  themselves,  they  believed  that  the  true  com- 
munion of  saints  consisted  in  that  divine  intercourse 
which  is  maintained  between  our  merciful  Saviour 
and  the  souls  of  his  faithful  disciples ;  agreeable  to 
his  own  gracious  words ;  "  Behold,  I  stand  at  the 
door  and  knock :  If  any  man  hear  my  voice,  and 
open  the  door,  I  will  come  in  to  him,  and  sup  with 
him,  and  he  with  me." 

There  is  a  strong  tendency  in  the  human  mind  to 
6 


Ixii 


INTRODUCTORY    RE  M  ARKS 


substitute  the  form  of  religion  for  the  power,  and 
to  satisfy  the  conscience  by  a  cold  compliance  with 
exterior  performances,  while  the  heart  remains  un- 
changed. And  inasmuch  as  the  baptism  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  the  communion  of  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ,  of  which  water  baptism  and  the  bread 
and  wine  are  admitted  to  be  only  signs,  are  not  de- 
pendent on  those  outward  ceremonies,  nor  neces- 
sarily connected  with  them,  and  are  declared  in 
Holy  Scripture  to  be  effectual  to  the  salvation  of  the 
soul,  which  the  signs  are  not,  Friends  have  always 
believed  it  their  place  and  duty  to  hold  forth  to  the 
world  a  clear  and  decided  testimony  to  the  living 
substance — the  spiritual  work  of  Christ  in  the  soul, 
and  a  blessed  communion  with  him  there. 

A  distinguishing  trait  in  the  character  of  the  first 
Friends  was,  that  amid  the  great  political  commo- 
tions which  prevailed,  they  attached  themselves  to 
none  of  the  parties,  nor  entered  into  any  of  their 
ambitious  views.  It  was  a  principle  of  their  reli- 
gion, to  avoid  all  strife  and  contention,  and  to  live 
peaceabl}^,  under  whatever  form  of  government- 
Divine  Providence  was  pleased  to  permit.  When 
the  laws  of  the  land  came  into  collision  with  their 
dut}^  to  God,  and  they  could  not,  for  conscience'  sake, 
actively  comply  with  their  demands,  they  patiently 
endured  the  penalties.  When  the  nation  was  in  a 
great  ferment,  after  the  death  of  Cromwell,  George 
Fox,  ever  watchful  for  the  welfare  of  his  brethren, 
addressed  a  letter,  exhorting  them  to  live  in  love 
and  peace  with  all  men  —  to  keep  clear  of  all  the 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE    FOX.  Ixlii 

commotions  of  the  world,  and  not  to  intermeddle 
with  the  powers  of  the  earth,  but  to  let  their  con- 
versation be  in  heaven." — "  All  who  pretend  to  fight 
for  Christ,"  says  he,  "are  deceived;  for  his  king- 
dom is  not  of  this  world,  and  therefore  his  servants 
do  not  fight." 

Unaided  by  any  alliance  with  the  great  or  power- 
ful ;  ridiculed  and  hated  by  the  world,  and  every- 
where pursued  with  contempt  and  cruelty,  the  prin- 
ciples of  Friends  silently  spread  through  the  king- 
dom, winning  the  assent  of  men  who  were  inferior 
to  none  in  education,  talents,  and  respectability. 
Amid  the  severest  persecution,  when  deprived  of 
every  temporal  comfort,  torn  from  home  and  all  its 
endearments,  with  every  probabiUty  that  they  should 
seal  the  truth  of  their  principles  with  the  sacrifice 
of  their  lives,  they  faltered  not.  Though  all  around 
them  looked  dark  and  threatening,  yet  there  was 
light  and  peace  within;  —  they  not  only  met  their 
sufierings  with  patience  and  fortitude,  in  the  un- 
resisting spirit  of  their  Divine  Master,  but  through 
the  goodness  of  God,  were  so  filled  with  heavenly 
consolation,  that  they  sang  for  joy  even  in  the  ex- 
tremity of  their  sufifering. 

Exposed  to  almost  universal  hatred  and  abuse, 
their  names  despised  and  cast  out  from  among  men, 
the  disinterested  love  they  showed  for  each  other 
excited  the  admiration  even  of  their  enemies.  While 
each  one  seemed  regardless  of  his  own  liberty  and 
estate,  all  were  zealous  in  pleading  the  cause  of 
their  suffering  brethren,  when  occasion  presented ; 


Ixiv  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

freely  sacrificing  their  time  and  property  to  promote 
their  comfort,  and  even  oftering  themselves  to  lie  in 
prison,  instead  of  those  whom  they  thought  could 
be  less  easily  spared  from  their  families  or  the 
Society. 

Such  fruits  of  Christian  love  and  forbearance, 
under  protracted  and  poignant  suffering,  unjustly  in- 
flicted, have  rarely  been  exhibited  to  the  world ;  and 
nothing  less  than  the  marvellous  extension  of  Al- 
mighty Power  could  have  sustained,  and  carried 
them  through  it  all,  to  the  peaceful  enjoyment  of 
that  liberty  of  conscience,  for  which  they  nobly  con- 
tended. Their  conduct  furnishes  the  strongest  evi- 
dence of  sincere  and  devoted  attachment  to  the 
cause  of  Christ.  It  proves  that  they  were  true  men, 
earnestly  engaged  in  seeking  after  truth ;  while  the 
Divine  support  they  experienced,  and  the  brightness 
w^ith  which  they  were  enabled  to  hold  forth,  in  their 
example,  the  Christian  virtues,  are  no  inconsiderable 
testimonies  of  the  favour  of  that  God  whom  they 
delighted  to  serve. 

The  character  of  the  founders  of  the  Society  has 
not  been  duly  appreciated,  even  by  many  of  their 
successors  in  religious  profession.  We  look  back  to 
the  age  in  which  they  lived,  as  one  of  comparative 
ignorance ;  and  tracing  the  improvements  which 
have  since  been  made  in  the  arts,  and  in  literature 
and  the  sciences,  as  well  as  the  more  liberal  views 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty  which  now  generally 
obtain,  we  are  apt  to  undervalue  the  wisdom  and  at- 
tainments of  our  ancestors.    But  our  opinion  re- 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


Ixv 


specting  them  will  change  when  we  discover  how 
far  they  were  in  advance  of  the  times  in  which  they 
flourished,  —  that  though  many  of  them  possessed 
but  few  of  the  advantages  of  literary  instruction,  yet 
their  minds,  enlightened  by  the  influences  of  the 
Spirit  of  Truth,  and  expanded  by  Christian  benevo- 
lence, were  prepared  to  perceive  and  to  promulgate 
those  great  moral  and  religious  truths  which  are  con- 
sidered the  peculiar  ornament  and  glory  of  the  pre- 
sent age. 

One  of  the  earliest  subjects  of  concern  to  George 
Fox,  was  the  want  of  moderation  and  temperance 
in  eating  and  drinking.  "  The  Lord  showed  me," 
says  he,  "that  I  might  not  eat  and  drink  to  make 
myself  wanton,  but  for  health,  using  the  creatures 
as  servants  in  their  places  to  the  glory  of  Him  that 
created  them."  He  also  observes,  that  he  was  en- 
gaged "  in  warning  such  as  kept  public  houses  for 
entertainment,  that  they  should  not  let  people  have 
more  drink  than  would  do  them  good;"  and  in  cry- 
ing against  the  sin  of  drunkenness,  setting  an  ex- 
ample of  remarkable  abstinence  in  his  manner  of 
life.  The  testimony  thus  early  and  zealously  en- 
forced has  ever  since  been  maintained,  and  from 
that  period  to  the  present,  Friends,  as  a  body,  have 
been  a  Temperance  Society. 

N'o  less  clear  were  his  views  in  regard  to  speaking 
the  truth  on  all  occasions,  without  the  use  of  an  oath. 
"  The  Lord  showed  me,"  says  he,  "that  though  the 
people  of  the  world  have  mouths  full  of  deceit  and 
6  *  E 


Ixvi  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

changeable  words,  yet  I  was  to  keep  to  yea  and  nay 
in  all  things,  and  that  my  words  should  be  few  and 
savoury,  seasoned  with  grace;"  —  "warning  all  to 
deal  justly,  to  speak  the  truth,  to  let  their  yea  be  yea 
and  their  nay  nay,  and  to  do  unto  others  as  they 
would  have  others  do  unto  them;"  —  "that  Christ 
commanded.  Swear  not  at  all ;  and  God,  when  he 
bringetb  the  first  begotten,  into  the  world,  saith.  Let 
all  the  angels  of  God  worship  Him,  even  Christ 
Jesus,  who  saith.  Swear  not  at  all.  As  for  the  plea 
that  men  make  for  swearing,  viz.,  to  end  their  strife, 
Christ,  who  forbids  swearing,  destroys  the  devil  and 
his  works,  who  is  the  author  of  strife." 

The  uniform  and  consistent  example  of  the  first 
Friends,  in  respect  to  a  scrupulous  adherence  to 
their  word,  as  men  of  truth,  and  to  strict  upright- 
ness in  all  their  dealings,  soon  gained  them  a  high 
reputation  for  those  virtues.  Their  objection  to  the 
use  of  oaths  cost  them  much  suffering,  but  their 
faithfulness  at  length  triumphed  over  opposition,  and 
their  conscientious  scruple  was  recognized  and  tole- 
rated by  an  act  of  Parliament.  Since  that  period,  a 
striking  change  has  been  wrought  in  public  opinion, 
scarcely  one  in  five  taking  the  oath  in  our  courts  of 
judicature.  By  a  late  act  of  Parliament,  nearly  all 
oaths,  excepting  those  of  judicial  character,  are  dis- 
pensed with  in  England,  by  which  it  is  computed 
nearly  a  thousand  oaths  per  day  will  be  spared. 

The  benevolent  and  enlightened  mind  of  George 
Fox  Avas  deeply  affected  with  the  sanguinary  cha- 
racter of  the  penal  code  of  Great  Britain,  and  be- 


TO    LIFE    OF    0  EORGE    FOX.  Ixvii 

lieving  that  the  benign  spirit  of  the  Gospel  would 
lead  to  save  men's  lives  rather  than  to  destroy  tbem, 
he  was  engaged  to  write  to  the  judges  and  others  in 
authority,  "concerning  their  putting  to  death  for 
small  matters,  and  to  show  them  hov/  contrary  it 
was  to  the  law  of  God  in  old  time;  for,"  says  he, 
was  under  great  suffering  in  my  spirit  because 
of  it."  In  an  address  "to  the  Parliament  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  England,"  setting  forth  a  num- 
ber of  particulars  "  for  taking  away  oppressive  laws, 
&c.,"  he  says,  "  Let  no  one  be  put  to  death  for  [steal- 
ing] cattle,  or  money,  or  any  outward  thing  —  but 
let  them  restore ;  and  mind  the  law  of  God,  which 
is  equity  and  measurable,  agreeable  to  the  offence." 

This  is  perhaps  the  earliest  account  extant  of  any 
proposal  for  meliorating  the  severity  of  penal  enact- 
ments. 

The  amiable  and  pacific  principles  which  produced 
these  views  in  the  founder  of  the  Society,  gave  rise 
to  corresponding  feelings  in  the  minds  of  other  mem- 
bers. "William  Penn,  in  framing  the  laws  of  Penn- 
sylvania, mitigated  considerably  the  harshness  of 
the  English  code,  and  it  is  a  well-known  fact,  that 
Friends  have  always  been  the  advocates  of  a  mild 
system  of  punishment,  coupled  with  penitentiary 
regulations. 

In  the  improvement  of  prisons  and  prison-disci- 
pline, they  also  took  the  lead. 

Being  frequently  confined  for  his  conscientious 
adherence  to  the  precepts  of  Christ  and  his  apostles, 
he  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  wretched  con- 


Jxviii 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


dition  of  the  jails  in  England,  and  of  witnessing  the 
demoralizing  effects  of  associating  the  novice  in 
crime  with  the  hardened  offender.  His  tender  feel- 
ings were  quickly  awakened  on  this  interesting  sub- 
ject, and  when  about  twent^'-six  years  of  age  he 
published  a  paper,  showing  "what  a  hurtful  thing 
it  was  for  prisoners  to  lie  so  long  in  jail,  and  how 
they  learned  wickedness  one  of  another,  in  talking 
of  their  bad  deeds ;"  and  inciting  the  judges  of  courts 
to  the  prompt  administration  of  law,  that  the  pri- 
soners might  as  quickly  as  practicable  be  removed 
from  the  influence  of  such  corrupting  examples.  In 
the  address  to  the  Parliament,  before  quoted,  he 
says,  *'Let  none  be  gaolers  that  are  drunkards, 
swearers,  or  oppressors  of  the  people ;  but  such  as 
may  be  good  examples  to  the  prisoners.  And  let 
none  lie  long  in  jail,  for  that  is  the  way  to  spoil 
people,  and  to  make  more  thieves ;  for  there  they 
learn  wickedness  together."  Again,  he  says,  "  Let 
all  jails  be  in  wholesome  places,  that  the  prisoners 
may  not  lie  in  the  filth  and  straw  like  chaff,  &c. ;" 
and  after  mentioning  some  of  the  nuisances  then 
existing  in  prisons,  he  adds,  "Let  these  things  be 
mended." 

There  are  several  other  recommendations  which 
bespeak  the  liberality  and  correctness  of  his  views ; 
such  as  the  following,  viz. 

"Let  all  the  laws  in  England  be  brought  into  a 
known  tongue."  Many  of  them,  as  well  as  the  pro- 
ceedings of  courts,  were  then  in  the  Latin  language. 


TO    LIFE    OF   G  E  0  E  G  E    FOX.  IxiX 

"Let  no  swearer,  nor  curser,  nor  drunkard,  bear 
any  office  whatever,  nor  be  put  in  any  place." 

"  Let  none  keep  alehouses  or  taverns  but  those 
who  fear  God ;  that  will  not  let  the  creatures  of  God 
be  destroyed  by  drunkenness." 

"Let  no  man  keep  an  alehouse  or  tavern,  that 
keeps  bowls,  shuffle-boards,  or  fiddlers,  or  dice,  or 
cards." 

"  Let  neither  beggar,  nor  blind  people,  nor  father- 
less, nor  widows,  nor  cripples,  go  begging  up  and 
down  the  streets ;  but  that  a  house  may  be  provided 
for  them  all,  and  also  meat,  that  there  may  be  never 
a  beggar  among  you." 

"And  let  all  this  wearing  of  gold  lace  and  costly 
attire  be  ended,  and  clothe  the  naked  and  feed  the 
hungry  with  the  superfluity.  And  turn  not  your 
ear  away  from  the  cry  of  the  poor." 

About  the  time  that  George  Fox  attained  his 
twent3'-sixth  year,  considerable  efforts  were  made  to 
induce  him  to  join  the  parliament  army,  and  a  cap- 
taincy over  a  band  of  newlj'-raised  troops  was  offered 
to  him.  But  his  religious  opinions  would  not  per- 
mit him  to  take  up  arms  in  an}^  cause.  The  ruling 
principle  of  his  life  was  "peace  on  earth  and  good 
will  to  men."  He  whose  commands  he  esteemed 
of  paramount  authority,  directed  his  followers  to 
"  love  their  enemies  ;"  to  do  good  to  those  who  hated 
them,  and  to  pray  for  those  who  despitefully  and 
evilly  treated  them.  He  had  none  of  that  sophistry 
which  could  reconcile  the  horrors  of  the  battle-field, 
the  anger,  the  revenge,  and  the  cruelty  which  reign 


Ixx  INTRODUCTORY    RE  M  A  R  K  S 

there,  with  these  benevolent  precepts.  The  simple 
acceptance  of  revealed  truth,  was  strongly  marked 
in  the  character  of  the  primitive  Quakers.  They 
sought  not  to  evade  or  fritter  away  the  strict  and 
positive  injunctions  of  Holy  "Writ,  because  they 
came  in  collision  with  popular  opinion,  or  thwarted 
the  wayward  inclinations  of  the  human  heart.  "I 
told  them,"  says  George  Fox,  when  speaking  of  the 
above-mentioned  circumstance,  "  that  I  knew  from 
whence  all  wars  arose,  even  from  the  lusts,  accord- 
ing to  James'  doctrine,  and  that  I  lived  in  the  virtue 
of  that  life  and  power  that  took  away  the  occasion 
of  all  wars.  Yet  they  courted  me  to  accept  the 
offer,  and  thought  I  did  but  compliment  them.  But 
I  told  them  I  was  come  into  the  covenant  of  peace, 
which  was  before  w^ars  and  strifes."  Persuasion  not 
effecting  their  object,  they  threw  him  into  the  com- 
mon jail,  where  he  lay  for  six  months,  but  without 
shaking  his  constancy. 

When  Sir  George  Booth  afterward  rose  in  favour 
of  the  king,  the  Committee  of  Safety  solicited 
Friends  to  enrol  and  join  the  army,  offering  import- 
ant posts  and  commands  to  some  of  them.  But 
neither  the  sharpness  of  their  sufferings,  nor  pros- 
pects of  honours  or  preferment,  could  induce  them 
to  violate  their  Christian  testimony  in  favour  of  uni- 
versal peace,  and  to  the  present  day  it  has  been 
steadily  maintained,  at  no  inconsiderable  sacrifice 
both  of  liberty  and  estate. 

The  situation  of  the  African  race,  and  of  the 
Indian  nations  in  America,  claimed  much  of  his  at- 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE  FOX. 


Ixxi 


tention  and  sympathy.  One  of  his  first  engage- 
ments among  his  friends,  after  reaching  Barbadoes, 
was  to  hold  a  meeting  of  conference,  in  which, 
among  other  directions,  he  enjoined  them  "to  train 
their  negroes  up  in  the  fear  of  God,  that  all  might 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Lord,  and  that,  with 
Joshua,  every  master  of  a  family  might  say,  *  as  for 
me  and  my  house,  we  will  serve  the  Lord.'  I  de- 
sired also  that  the}'  would  cause  their  overseers  to 
deal  mildly  and  gently  with  their  negroes,  and  not 
use  cruelty  toward  them,  as  the  manner  of  some 
hath  been  and  is,  and  that  after  certain  years  of  ser- 
vitude^ they  should  make  them  free.''  In  one  of  his 
epistles,  he  expresses  the  sentiment  that  "liberty  is 
the  right  of  all  men,"  and  on  many  occasions  he 
evinced  a  strong  solicitude  that  the  benefits  of  a  re- 
ligious education  should  be  extended  to  them,  as 
being  equally  interested  with  others,  in  that  salva- 
tion purchased  for  us  by  the  Saviour's  death. 

His  mind,  expanded  by  Christian  benevolence, 
reached  forth  in  desire  for  the  salvation  of  all  man- 
kind.   So  exceedingly  precious  did  he  esteem  the 
glad  tidings  of  the  gospel,  and  so  adapted  to  the 
j     wants  of  man  in  every  situation,  that  he  not  only 
preached  Christ  crucified,  to  the  slaves  and  Indians, 
while  in  America,  but  urged  upon  his  brethren  the 
i     same  duty.    "All  Friends,  everywhere,"  says  he, 
,     in  one  of  his  epistles,  "  who  have  Indians  or  Blacks, 
are  to  preach  the  gospel  to  them  and  other  servants, 
if  you  be  true  Christians."    "And  also  you  must 
instruct  and  teach  your  Indians  and  ISTegroes,  a^"! 


Ixxii 


I  N  T  R  0  D  U  C  T  0  K  Y    11  E  M  A  R  K  S 


all  others,  that  Christ,  by  the  grace  of  God,  tasted 
death  for  every  man,  and  gave  himself  a  ransom  for 
all  men,  to  be  testified  in  due  time,  and  is  the  pro- 
pitiation, not  for  the  sins  of  Christians  only,  but  for 
the  sins  of  the  whole  world."  Again,  he  observes, 
"Do  not  neglect  your  family  meetings  among  your 
whites  and  negroes ;  but  do  your  dihgence  and  duty 
to  God  and  them."  In  another  epistle  to  his  friends, 
he  directs  them  to  go  among  the  Indians,  and  get 
the  chiefs  to  assemble  their  people,  in  order  that 
they  may  declare  to  them  God's  free  salvation  through 
Jesus  Christ  the  Lord. 

The  same  enlarged  views  are  evinced  by  the  let- 
ters he  wrote  to  some  Friends,  who,  in  pursuing  a 
seafaring  life,  had  been  carried  captive  to  the  coast 
of  Africa.  He  advises  them  to  acquire  a  knowledge 
of  the  language  spoken  in  the  places  where  they 
were  situated,  in  order  that  they  might  be  able  to 
preach  to  the  inhabitants  the  glad  tidings  of  redemp- 
tion through  a  crucified  Saviour,  and  to  translate 
works  which  would  tend  to  promote  Christian 
knowledge. 

Nor  was  this  Christian  concern  for  the  promulga- 
tion of  the  Gospel  confined  to  George  Fox.  William 
Penn,  in  his  frequent  intercourse  with  the  Indians, 
took  especial  care  not  only  to  teach  them  Chris- 
tianity by  precept,  but,  by  a  just,  liberal  and  blame- 
less conduct  and  example,  to  prepare  their  minds  for 
the  reception  of  its  sublime  truths.  Ministers  of 
the  Society,  at  difi:erent  periods,  travelled  into  re- 
mote countries,  without  the  least  prospect  of  tein- 


TO    LIFE    OF   GEORGE  FOX. 


Ixxiii 


poral  reward,  in  order  to  declare  unto  others  that 
free  salvation,  of  w  hich,  through  the  mercy  of  God, 
they  were  made  partakers. 

In  advocating  the  cause  of  religious  and  civil 
liberty,  the  Society  of  Friends  has  always  stood  con- 
spicuous. During  a  protracted  period  of  persecution 
and  suffering,  they  nobly  refused  to  sacrifice  their 
conscientious  scruples,  maintaining  a  patient  but 
firm  and  unyielding  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  in- 
tolerance and  cruelty  of  those  in  power.  Their 
steadfastness  and  boldness  in  suffering,  not  only  re- 
lieved other  dissenters  from  the  sharpness  of  perse- 
cution, but  tended  to  prepare  the  way  for  those  more 
correct  views  of  toleration  which  subsequently  ob- 
tained. 

Baxter,  though  not  favourablj'  disposed  towards 
Friends,  bears  testimony  to  their  constancy  under 
the  cruel  operation  of  the  Conventicle  Act,  observ- 
ing. Here  the  Quakers  did  greatly  relieve  the  sober 
people  for  a  time;  for  they  were  so  resolute,  and  so 
gloried  in  their  constancy  and  sufferings,  that  they 
assembled  openly  at  the  Bull  and  Mouth,  near  Al- 
dersgate,  and  were  dragged  away  daily  to  the  com- 
mon jail,  and  yet  desisted  not,  but  the  rest  came 
next  day.  Abundance  of  them  died  in  prison,  and 
yet  they  continued  their  assemblies  still." 

On  this  passage,  Orme,  the  biographer  of  Baxter, 
makes  this  remark :  "  Had  there  been  more  of  the 
same  determined  spirit  among  others,  which  the 
Friends  displayed,  the  sufferings  of  all  parties  would 
7 


Ixxiv 


INT  11  0  D  U  C  T  U  11  Y    11  E  M  A  II  K  S 


sooner  have  come  to  an  end.  The  government 
must  have  given  way,  as  the  spirit  of  the  country 
would  have  been  effectually  roused.  The  conduct 
of  the  Quakers  was  infinitely  to  their  honour."  In 
another  note  relative  to  Friends,  the  same  writer  re- 
marks, "  The  heroic  and  persevering  conduct  of  the 
Quakers,  in  withstanding  the  interferences  of  govern- 
ment with  the  rights  of  conscience,  by  which  they 
finally  secured  those  peculiar  privileges  they  so  richly 
deserve  to  enjoy,  entitles  them  to  the  veneration  of 
all  the  friends  of  civil  and  religious  freedom." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  persecutions  which 
disgraced  England  during  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, and  of  which  Friends  in  common  with  other 
dissenters  bore  so  large  a  share,  contributed  very 
much  toward  the  introduction  and  establishment 
of  those  more  liberal  and  correct  views  of  tole- 
ration and  civil  liberty,  which  succeeded,  and  so 
happily  distinguish  the  present  times.  The  con- 
stancy of  Friends  under  suffering;  their  uniform 
testimony  in  favour  of  liberty  of  conscience  to  all ; 
the  boldness  with  which  they  exposed  the  rapacity 
and  illegal  proceedings  of  the  persecuting  priests, 
justices  and  judges;  and  their  repeated  and  earnest 
applications  to  the  king  and  parliament,  were  emi- 
nently instrumental  in  preparing  the  way  for  the 
passage  of  the  Toleration  Act,  under  William  and 
Mary,  in  1688. 

It  was  not  as  a  boon  for  themselves,  that  they 
urged  the  adoption  of  this  great  measure :  they  took 
the  simple  ground,  that  liberty  of  conscience  was 


TO    LIFE    OF    (x  E  0  R  G  FOX. 


Ixxv 


the  right  of  all  men ;  and  that  all  interference  of 
the'government  in  matters  of  religion,  by  which  the 
subject  was  debarred  from  the  exercise  of  this  right, 
provided  he  did  not  molest  others,  was  contrary  to 
Christianity,  to  reason,  and  to  sound  policy. 

In  framing  the  government  of  Pennsylvania, 
AViliiam  Penn  adopted  these  principles,  and  carried 
them  out  to  the  fullest  extent;  not  only  tolerating 
every  religion  which  owned  the  existence  of  a  God, 
but  making  the  professors  of  all,  eligible  to  offices. 

Sir  James  Macintosh,  in  his  History  of  the  Revo- 
lution in  England,  in  explaining  the  part  which 
William  Penn  took  in  defending  the  declaration  of 
indulgence  issued  by  James,  a  measure  which,  how- 
ever just  the  rights  it  granted,  was  nevertheless  de- 
nounced as  an  unconstitutional  and  arbitrary  as- 
sumption of  power,  has  these  observations :  "  The 
most  distinguished  of  their  converts  was  William 
Penn,  whose  father.  Admiral  Sir  William  Penn,  had 
been  a  personal  friend  of  the  king,  and  one  of  his 
instructors  in  naval  aiFairs.  This  admirable  person 
had  employed  his  great  abilities  in  support  of  civil 
as  v.'ell  as  religious  liberty,  and  had  both  acted  and 
suffered  for  them,  under  Charles  11.  Even  if  he 
had  not  founded  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, as  an  everlasting  memorial  of  his  love  of 
freedom,  his  actions  and  writings  in  England  would 
have  been  enoufrh  to  absolve  him  from  the  charsre 
of  intending  to  betray  the  rights  of  his  countrymen. 
But  though  the  friend  of  Algernon  Sidney,  he  had 
never  ceased  to  intercede,  through  his  friends  at 


Ixxvi 


I  N  T  K  0  D  U  C  T  0  R  Y  REMARKS 


court,  for  the  persecuted.  An  absence  of  two  years 
in  America,  and  the  occupation  of  his  mind,  had 
probably  loosened  his  connexion  with  English  poli- 
ticians, and  rendered  him  less  acquainted  with  the 
principles  of  the  government.  On  the  accession  of 
James,  he  was  received  by  that  prince  with  favour, 
and  hopes  of  indulgence  to  his  suffering  brethren 
were  early  held  out  to  him.  He  was  soon  admitted 
to  terras  of  apparent  intimacy,  and  was  believed  to 
possess  such  influence,  that  two  hundred  suppliants 
were  often  seen  at  his  gates,  imploring  his  interces- 
sion with  the  king.  That  it  really  was  great,  appears 
from  his  obtaining  a  promise  of  pardon  for  his  friend, 
Mr.  Locke,  which  that  illustrious  man  declined,  be- 
cause he  thought  that  the  acceptance  would  have 
been  a  confession  of  criminality.  He  appears,  in 
1679,  by  his  influence  on  James,  w^hen  in  Scotland, 
to  have  obtained  the  release  of  all  the  Scotch  Qua- 
kers who  were  imprisoned,  and  he  obtained  the  re- 
lease of  many  hundred  Quaker  prisoners  in  England, 
as  well  as  letters  from  Lord  Sunderland  to  the  lord- 
lieutenants  in  England,  for  favour  to  his  persuasion, 
several  months  before  the  declaration  of  indulgence. 
It  w^as  no  wonder  that  he  should  be  gained  over  by 
this  power  of  doing  good.  The  very  occupations  in 
which  he  was  engaged,  brought  daily  before  his 
mind  the  general  evils  of  intolerance  and  the  sulFer- 
inofs  of  his  own  unfortunate  brethren."  "It  cannot 
be  doubted  that  he  believed  the  king's  object  to  be, 
universal  liberty  in  religion,  and  nothing  farther. 


TO    LIFE    OF    (tEORGE  FOX. 


Ixxvii 


His  own  sincere  piety  taught  him  to  consider  reli- 
gious liberty  as  unspeakably  the  highest  of  human 
privileges,  and  he  was  too  just  not  to  be  desirous  of 
bestowing  on  all  other  men,  that  which  he  most  ear- 
nestly sought  for  himself.  He  who  refused  to  em- 
ploy force  in  the  most  just  defence,  felt  a  singular 
abhorrence  of  its  exertion  to  prevent  good  men  from 
following  the  dictates  of  their  conscience."  p.  289. 

Previous  to  this  period,  William  Penn  had  written 
and  suffered  much  in  defence  of  liberty  of  conscience, 
and  it  was  to  be  expected  that  when  thousands  of 
his  friends  were  suffering  imprisonment  and  spolia- 
tion by  merciless  informers  and  magistrates,  he 
would  eagerly  embrace  the  relief  afforded  by  the 
king's  indulgence,  w^ithout  a  very  profound  investi- 
gation of  the  disputed  point  of  royal  prerogative,  or 
the  secret  motives  which  influenced  the  crown. 

Another  subject  which  claimed  the  early  attention 
of  George  Fox,  was  the  promotion  of  useful  learn- 
ing. He  recommended  the  establishment  of  two 
boarding-schools,  which  were  accordingly  opened, 
one  for  boys  and  the  other  for  girls.  Although  the 
Society  has  always  contended  that  human  learning 
was  not  an  essential  requisite  for  the  ministry  of  the 
Gospel,  yet  it  has,  from  a  very  early  period,  been 
careful  to  provide  for  its  members  the  benefits  of 
education.  The  following  recommendation  was 
issued  by  the  Yearly  Meeting,  as  early  as  the  year 
1695,  viz. : 

"  Advised,  that  school  masters  and  mistresses  who 
7=. 


Ixxviii       INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 


are  faithful  Friends  and  well  qualified,  be  encouraged 
in  all  counties,  cities,  great  towns,  or  other  places 
where  there  may  be  need ;  and  that  care  be  taken 
that  poor  Friends'  children  may  freely  partake  of 
such  education  as  may  tend  to  their  benefit  and  ad- 
vantage, in  order  to  apprenticeship."  From  that 
period  to  the  present  time,  the  subject  has  frequently 
been  earnestly  enjoined  on  the  attention  of  Friends, 
and  large  sums  expended  in  founding  seminaries 
for  their  youth.  Soon  after  the  settlement  of  Phila- 
delphia, William  Penn  founded  a  grammar-school 
for  Greek  and  Latin,  and  incorporated  a  board  of 
education,  which  is  still  in  operation,  under  the  title 
of  "  The  Overseers  of  the  Public  School  founded  by 
charter,  in  the  town  and  county  of  Philadelphia,  in 
Pennsylvania,"  with  a  corporate  seal  bearing  this 
inscription :  "  Good  instruction  is  better  than  riches." 

It  would  not  be  practicable  in  this  brief  sketch, 
to  do  justice  to  other  members  of  the  Society,  who 
aided  in  carrying  out  the  liberal  views  which  we 
have  endeavoured  to  portray.  It  is  sufficient  to  re- 
mark, that  those  views  were  the  general  characte- 
ristics of  the  Society,  and  some  of  them  peculiar  to 
it.  For  a  long  period  they  maintained  many  of 
them  single-handed  and  in  opposition  to  the  general 
voice  of  the  community.  That  their  faithful  labours 
in  these  great  works  of  Christian  benevolence,  have 
contributed  to  bring  them  to  their  present  condition, 
cannot  be  denied ;  nor  yet  that  the  principles  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  and  the  practices  consequent 


TO    LIFE    OF    GEORGE   FOX.  Ixxix 

upon  tbem,  are  eminently  calculated  to  promote  the 
religious  and  moral  improvement  of  mankind,  and 
to  augment  the  sum  of  human  happiness. 

It  is  no  less  the  privilege  and  interest,  than  it  is 
the  duty  of  Christians  to  be  diligent  in  the  use  of 
those  means  which  a  merciful  Providence  has  placed 
within  their  reach,  for  attaining  a  correct  know^ledge 
of  the  principles  and  practices  of  our  holy  religion. 

If  we  have  a  proper  sense  of  the  shortness  and 
uncertainty  of  life,  of  our  responsit)ility  as  account- 
able and  immortal  beings,  and  of  the  vast  import- 
ance of  the  concerns  which  relate  to  the  salvation 
of  the  soul,  we  shall  not  rest  satisfied,  without  a 
careful  inquiry"  into  the  truth  of  those  doctrines  and 
precepts,  by  which  we  profess  to  regulate  our  con- 
duct, and  to  build  our  hopes  of  future  happiness,  in 
a  world  that  will  never  have  an  end.  We  shall  fre- 
quently ponder  the  inspired  pages  of  Holy  Writ,  as 
the  divinely  authorized  record  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion, and  raise  our  hearts  in  aspirations  to  our 
heavenly  Father  for  the  light  of  his  Hol}^  Spirit,  to 
illumine  our  darkness,  and  give  us  a  saving  know- 
ledo;e  of  the  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus.  Xor  will  it  be 
less  interesting  to  us,  to  trace  out  the  result  of  these 
principles,  as  exhibited  in  the  examples  of  those 
who  have  gone  before  us.  —  To  inquire  what  fruits 
of  holiness  they  produced  in  their  conduct  and  con- 
versation, —  what  support  they  derived  from  them, 
amid  the  trials  inseparable  from  mortal  existence, 
and  what  consolation  and  hope  they  yielded  in  the 


Ixxx  INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

hours  of  disease  and  of  death.  If,  in  the  course  of 
our  researches,  we  discover  that  they  were  remark- 
able for  their  justice,  their  integrity,  their  meekness 
and  humility  —  were  patient  under  suffering,  even 
when  wrongfully  inflicted  ;  zealously  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  Christ,  and  cheerfully  given  up  to  spend 
their  time  and  substance  for  its  advancement; 
"blameless  and  harmless,  in  the  midst  of  a  crooked 
and  perverse  generation,  amongst  whom  they  shone 
as  lights  in  the  world,"  we  may  be  assured  that  the 
tree  whence  these  fruits  of  the  Gospel  sprung  could 
not  be  evil.  The  faith  which  showed  itself  by  such 
works  of  righteousness  must  be  that  by  which  the 
saints  of  old  "obtained  a  good  report,"  and  which 
was  their  victory.  If  we  follow  them  to  the  cham- 
ber of  sickness  and  to  the  bed  of  death,  witness  the 
tranquillity  and  composure  of  their  spirits;  their 
humble,  yet  steadfast,  reliance  on  the  mercy  of  God, 
through  Christ  Jesus;  their  peace  and  jo}^  in  be- 
lieving; and  their  hope  fall  of  immortality  and  eter- 
nal life,  we  shall  not  only  derive  the  strongest  evi- 
dence of  the  soundness  of  their  Christian  belief,  but, 
in  admiration  of  its  blessed  and  happy  effects,  be  in- 
cited to  follow  them,  as  they  followed  Christ. 

Differing,  as  Friends  do,  in  some  points,  from 
their  fellow-professors  of  the  Christian  name,  con- 
struing the  requisitions  of  the  Gospel  with  especial 
reference  to  the  spiritual  nature  of  true  religion,  and 
its  non-conformity  to  the  fashion  of  "  the  world 
which  lieth  in  wickedness  "  their  peculiarities  in 


TO    LIFE    OF  GEORGE  FOX. 


Ixxxi 


doctrine,  manners,  and  phraseology,  have,  ever  since 
their  first  rise,  subjected  them  to  greater  or  less 
degrees  of  misrepresentation  and  obloquy.  For, 
although  they  have  uniformly  appealed  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  as  the  standard  and  test  of  all  their  doc- 
trines and  practices,  freely  rejecting  whatever  should 
be  proved  to  be  inconsistent  with  their  Divine  Tes- 
timony, yet,  either  through  ignorance,  or  prejudice, 
or  the  force  of  sectarian  attachments,  their  repeated 
declarations  have  been  disregarded  or  perverted,  in 
order  to  represent  them  as  slighting  those  Sacred 
Writings,  and  their  principles  as  scarcely  deserving 
the  name  of  Christian. 

It  is  often  more  easy  to  disparage  the  character 
of  an  opponent,  by  loading  him  with  opprobrious 
epithets,  than  to  refute  his  positions  by  sound  and 
solid  arguments;  and  mankind  are  generally  so 
prone  to  adopt  this  course,  rather  than  take  the 
trouble  of  impartial  investigation,  that  it  is  not  sur- 
prising the  terms  enthusiasts,  fanatics,  Jesuits,  and 
others  of  similar  or  more  odious  import,  should  have 
been  freely  bestowed  on  Friends,  and  credited  by 
too  many.  Those  who  have  not  had  the  oppor- 
tunity, or  who  have  disliked  the  task  of  ascertaining 
their  real  belief,  and  whose  impressions  have  been 
chiefly  derived  from  caricatures,  drawn  by  persons 
whose  object  and  interest  it  is  to  place  them  in  the 
wrong,  could  scarcely  fail  to  form  opinions  unfavour- 
able to  them  as  a  body,  however  they  might  respect 
the  piety  and  sincerity  of  individual  members.  !N'or 

F 


Ixxxii         INTRODUCTORY    R  i:  M  A  R  K  S 


would  it  be  surprising  if  the  frequent  and  confident 
reiteration  of  grave,  though  unjust,  charges,  should 
have  the  effect  to  awaken  doubts  even  in  the  minds 
of  the  uninformed  members  themselves;  to  lessen 
their  esteem  for  those  devoted  Christians,  who  were 
the  instruments,  divinely  fitted  and  made  use  of,  in 
founding  the  Society;  and  to  induce  the  apprehen- 
sion that  the  way,  and  the  people,  thus  "  everywhere 
spoken  against,"  must  indeed  have  little  claims  to 
Christianity^ 

It  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  remind  the  reader, 
.  that  the  Son  of  God  himself  was  "set  for  a  sign 
that  should  be  spoken  against;"  and  such  has  been 
the  lot  of  his  Church,  from  the  earliest  periods  of  its 
existence.  Had  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel  in 
the  days  of  the  apostles  depended  on  the  estimation 
in  which  they  were  held  by  the  wise,  the  learned, 
and  powerful  of  this  world,  or  on  the  report  which 
they  gave  of  its  character  and  design,  it  must  have 
made  little  progress ;  but  there  were  many  others 
beside  the  Bereans,  who  were  more  noble  than  to  be 
influenced  by  such  means,  and  who  searched  for 
themselves  "whether  these  things  w^ere  so." 

Happily  for  the  Society,  it  has  nothing  to  fear 
from  investigation  conducted  in  the  spirit  of  candour 
and  fairness.  The  various  accusations  against  it, 
have  been  fearlessly  met  an-d  refuted  ;  and,  of  those 
who  may  entertain  doubts  respecting  the  soundness 
of  its  faith,  it  asks  a  calm  and  dispassionate  atten- 
tion to  its  authorized  vindications,  and  to  its  official 


TO    LIFE    OF'GEORGE  FOX. 


Ixxxiii 


declarations  of  faith,  ^"hatever  ambiguity  may 
haoo;  over  the  essavs  of  some  of  its  writers,  arisino: 
either  from  the  heat  of  controversy,  the  redundant 
and  loose  phraseology  of  the  times,  or  from  unduly 
pressing  an  argument,  in  order  to  discredit  the  pre- 
mises of  an  antagonist,  by  exposing  the  consequen- 
ces dcducible  from  them  ;  the  declarations  of  faith 
and  the  official  acts  of  the  Society,  prove  conclu- 
sively, that  on  the  points  where  they  have  been 
most  questioned,  their  views  are  clear  and  Scriptural. 
The  records  of  the  Society  also  show  a  long  list  of 
worthies,  whose  dying  hours  and  sayings  bear  ample 
testimony  that  the  principles  in  which  they  had 
lived,  and  by  which  they  endeavoured  to  regulate 
their  actions,  did  not  fail  them  in  the  near  prospect 
of  death  and  eternity ;  but  administered  all  that 
support,  consolation,  and  animating  hope,  which 
give  to  the  death-bed  of  the  Christian  its  peculiar 
interest. 

It  is  especially  obligatory  on  the  members  to  be 
conversant  in  these  matters.  Ignorance  of  them, 
where  the  means  of  information  are  accessible,  is 
discreditable,  if  not  culpable.  We  should  be  pre- 
pared to  give  to  every  one  that  asketh  us,  a  reason 
for  our  faith  and  hope.  If  the  things  which  belong 
to  our  peace  have  a  due  place  in  our  afiections,  we 
shall  meditate  with  pleasure  on  the  experience  of 
those  who  have  trodden  the  path  of  virtue  before 
us.  The  fervour  of  our  piety,  the  strength  of  our 
attachment  to  religious  truth,  will  be  promoted  by 


Ixxxiv       INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


frequently  perusing  their  excellent  writings,  and 
dwelling  in  serious  contemplation  on  the  bright  ex- 
ample they  have  left  us,  adorned  with  the  Christian 
graces,  and  inviting  us  to  follow  in  their  footsteps. 

To  whatever  department  of  human  pursuit  we 
direct  our  attention,  we  perceive  that  men  delight  in 
the  productions  of  congenial  minds.  He  who  finds 
that  he  has  little  relish  for  serious  things,  and  that 
it  is  difficult  to  fix  his  attention  upon  them,  may 
safely  infer  that  his  heart  is  not  right  in  the  sight 
of  God,  nor  its  aspirations  directed  toward  the  king- 
dom of  heaven.  The  religious  man  delights  to 
dwell  on  those  things  which  concern  the  salvation 
of  his  soul.  He  feels  a  lively  interest  in  the  saints 
and  holy  men  who  have  entered  the  celestial  city 
before  him ;  and  as  he  contemplates  their  blameless 
walk,  their  faith  and  patience  under  trials,  their 
simple  obedience  and  dedication,  and  above  all,  the 
blessed  animating  hope  of  an  eternal  inheritance, 
which  shed  a  bright  radiance  around  their  dying 
beds,  his  whole  soul  kindles  with  desire  to  arise  and 
gird  himself  anew  for  the  journey,  and  with  in- 
creased diligence  and  ardour,  to  press  toward  the 
mark  for  the  prize  of  his  high  calling  of  God  in 
Christ  Jesus. 


LECTURE, 


DELIVERED  AT  THE  FRIARS'  MEETING  HOUSE,  BRISTOL, 
On  the  21lh  of  First  Month,  1858. 


I  FEEL  that  ill  bringing  before  you  the  results  of 
some  inquiries  which  I  have  recentlj^  made  into  the 
early  history  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  Bristol 
and  Somersetshire,  it  is  due  to  myself  to  say  a  few 
words  as  to  the  objects  which  I  have  in  view,  and  in 
reference  to  the  course  of  Lectures  of  which  this 
forms  a  part.  Let  me,  in  the  first  place,  disclaim 
all  idea  of  being  able  to  present  to  you  a  complete 
view  of  the  subject.  Such  a  disclaimer  would,  I 
have  no  doubt,  have  been  united  in  by  those  who 
have  preceded  me  in  the  delivery  of  Lectures  here. 
Whatever  may  have  been  their  opportunities  of  re- 
search, or  their  ability  for  making  a  profitable  use 
of  the  results  which  they  have  obtained,  it  must 
have  been  felt  by  them  impossible  to  do  fall  justice 
to  their  respective  subjects,  within  the  short  space 
of  time  allotted  to  the  delivery  of  these  Lectures. 
It  would  indeed  be  a  mistake  for  any  one  who  de- 
sired to  become  well  acquainted  with  a  particular 
subject,  to  expect  to  do  so  by  listening  to  popular 
8  (85) 


86 


tanner's  lectures. 


Lectures.  If  the  information  conveyed  in  them  be 
not  superficial,  it  must  at  all  events  be  very  limited; 
and  it  appears  to  me  that  a  suggestive  rather  than 
an  exhaustive  style  is  best  adapted  to  such  dis- 
courses; and  that  the  object  to  be  aimed  at  in  them 
is  to  afibrd  such  an  introduction  of  a  subject  to  the 
hearers  as  may  either  induce  them  to  pursue  it  tho- 
roughly, or  may  at  least  increase  their  acquaintance 
with  it.  The  latter  is  all  that  can  be  hoped  for  in 
many  cases ;  nor  do  I  think  that  knowledge  of  an 
imperfect  character  is  to  be  despised.  It  may  be 
better  to  learn  thoroughly  one  of  the  lessons  placed 
before  us  in  the  great  book  of  knowledge,  than  to 
learn  several  imperfectly.  But  there  are  few  men 
Avho  have  time  and  ability  to  extend  this  thorough 
knowledge  to  more  than  a  very  few  subjects;  and  it 
is  surely  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  a  man  engaged 
in  such  pursuit  should  shut  his  eyes  and  ears  to  the 
information  he  may  be  able  to  pick  up  as  he  goes 
along  through  life,  about  a  variety  of  things,  with 
which  it  is  impossible  he  should  obtain  more  than  a 
slight  acquaintance,  is'either  ought  we  to  overlook 
the  benefit  to  be  derived  by  the  Lecturers  them- 
selves:  and  judging  from  the  pleasure  and  interest 
which  I  have  derived  from  the  preparation  of  the 
present  sketch,  I  am  quite  prepared  to  encourage 
others  to  engage  in  similar  undertakings. 

I  am  sure  that  it  has  not  been  with  the  least  wish 
to  restrict  the  interests  of  those  for  whose  benefit 
these  Lectures  were  chiefly  designed,  that  they  have 


T  A  N  X  E  R  '  S    L  E  C  T  r  n  E  S  . 


87 


been  confined  to  a  small,  though  important  class 
•  of  subjects ;  but  simply  because  there  appeared  to 
be  no  lack  in  Bristol  of  Lectures  of  a  scientific  and 
literar}'  character.  Many  Lectures  are  indeed  given 
elsewhere  in  this  city,  similar  to  those  which  engage 
our  attention  here :  but  it  has  seemed  as  if  there 
was  a  certain  range  of  subjects,  having  a  bearing 
on  our  position  as  members  of  a  Christian  congre- 
gation, in  regard  to  which  it  behoves  us  to  endea- 
vour to  become  helpful  one  to  another.  The  quali- 
fication for  occupying  that  position  faithfully,  is  one 
indeed  which  cannot  be  conferred  by  the  communi- 
cation of  merely  intellectual  knowledge ;  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  undervalue 
anything  which  throws  light  upon  it.  It  is,  as  I 
feel  well  assured,  very  important  that,  occupying  as 
we  do  the  place  of  a  small  section  of  the  professing 
Church,  we  should  accustom  ourselves  to  regard 
this  position  of  ours  from  various  points  of  view ; 
and  that  we  should  bring  to  bear  upon  it,  so  far  as 
we  are  able,  the  experience  of  other  ages  and  of 
other  Churches.  AVe  have  been  much  indebted  to 
the  labours  of  those  who,  in  preceding  Lectures, 
have  traced  some  periods  both  of  ancient  and  of 
comparatively  modern  ecclesiastical  history.  Some 
of  these  sketches  have  had  an  important  bearing  on 
the  still  more  recent  times  in  which  our  Society 
arose.  I  should  have  been  very  glad  if  the  present 
Lecture  could  have  been  preceded  by  a  sketch  of  the 
ecclesiastical  history  of  England  during  the  latter 


88 


tanner's  lectures. 


part  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  first  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  because  I  do  not  believe  that  the  • 
ground  occupied  by  our  early  Friends  can  be  fully 
understood,  without  our  becoming  acquainted  wdth 
some  of  the  events  which  had  transpired,  and  the 
opinions  and  sentiments  which  had  prevailed  in  the 
period  preceding  that  in  which  George  Fox  made 
known  his  views. ^  There  would  seem  to  me  to  be  a 
connexion  still  more  important  between  the  earlier 
and  later  history  of  the  Society  of  Friends  itself; 
and  it  is  this  conviction  which  has  induced  me  to 
avail  myself  of  such  means  of  information  as  have 
been  within  my  reach,  in  order  to  the  preparation 
of  a  brief  sketch  of  our  local  history. 

I  have  felt  that  in  such  an  inquiry,  as  in  all  others 
relating  to  the  past  history  of  the  Church,  two  mis- 
takes of  an  opposite  kind  had  need  to  be  guarded 
asrainst.  The  one  is  that  of  institutius^  an  unfavour- 
able  comparison  of  the  past  with  the  present,  by 
judging  of  the  characters  and  opinions  of  those  who 
have  gone  before  us,  without  due  reference  to  the 
circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed,  and  the 
character  of  the  times  in  which  they  lived,  or  to  the 
superior  advantages  which  may  in  some  respects  be 

^  Since  this  Lecture  was  finished  I  have  had  an  opportunity 
of  reading  the  "  Introductory  Remarks  "  prefixed  to  an  Ameri- 
can Memoir  of  George  Fox,  published  some  years  since.  These 
Remarks,  which  are  said  to  have  been  written  by  Thomas  Evans 
of  Pliiladelphia,  contain  by  far  the  best  introduction  to  the  his- 
tory of  Friends  which  I  have  yet  seen.  The  book  has  been  re- 
published in  England  in  a  cheap  form  and  extensively  circulated- 


tanner's  lectures.  89 

enjoj-ed  by  ourselves.  The  other  danger  to  which  I 
allude  arises  from  that  undue  reverence  for  the  past 
which  would  lead  us  to  an  indiscriminate  reception 
of  its  teaching,  and  would  cause  us  to  forget  the  in- 
junction of  our  Lord,  "  Call  no  man  your  father 
upon  the  earth,  for  one  is  your  Father  which  is  in 
heaven."  There  has  been  but  one  period  of  the 
Church  of  Christ,  whence  infallible  teaching  has 
been  handed  down  to  us;  that  in  which  our  Lord 
and  His  apostles  made  known  the  great  truths  of 
the  gospel.  How  broad  is  the  line  of  demarcation 
between  those  inspired  writings  iu  which  their 
words  have  been  preserved,  and  those  of  the  very 
men  who  listened  to  their  teachino^.  Beautiful  and 
instructive  as  were  the  extracts,  presented  to  us  in  a 
former  Lecture,  from  the  writings  of  those  who  are 
called  the  Apostolic  Fathers,  there  are  nevertheless 
statements  and  opinions  put  forth  in  them  which 
preclude  the  idea  that  these  writings  should  be  re- 
ceived as  authoritative  declarations  of  the  truth.  It 
is  incumbent  indeed  on  those  who  set  up  a  claim  to 
infallibility  on  behalf  of  the  teachings  of  their  church 
to  show  that,  both  in  past  and  in  present  times,  all 
which  has  been  set  forth  as  truth  on  the  authority 
of  that  church,  is  really  true :  but  if  such  an  attempt 
were  to  be  made  by  any  who  call  themselves  Pro- 
testants, it  would  go  far  to  prove  that  they  are  Pro- 
testants only  in  name.  Above  all  would  it  be  in- 
consistent in  the  successors  of  those  who  stood,  as  I 
believe  our  forefathers  to  have  done,  in  the  foremost 
8* 


90 


tanner's  lectures. 


rank  of  Protestants,  and  whoso  mission  it  was  to 
call  the  people  away  from  the  authority  of  man,  and 
to  direct  them  to  the  authority  of  Christ,  to  set  up 
the  authority  of  these  good  men  in  the  place  of  that 
which  they  sought  to  overthrow.  I  may  here  quote 
the  declaration  of  Wm.  Penn,  that  "  Articles  of 
faith  ever  ought  to  be  (expressed)  in  the  very  lan- 
guage of  Holy  Writ."^ 

A  few  sentences  have  sufficed  to  enable  me  to 
disclaim  the  intention  of  deriving  from  the  past  an}'' 
other  authority  than  that  which  brethren  may  exer- 
cise over  each  other  in  love ;  but  it  is  a  for  more 
difficult  thing  to  obtain  one's  self,  or  to  present  to 
others,  such  a  view  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  our  Society  arose  as  shall  enable  us  really  to 
understand  the  position  of  its  earlier  members.  I 
cannot  attempt  to  supply  the  want  before  adverted 
to,  of  a  sketch  of  the  previous  ecclesiastical  period ; 
but  I  must  remind  you  of  a  few  points  connected 
with  it.  Dissent  from  the  churches  established  by 
law  in  different  countries  had  already  made  con- 
siderable progress.  It  had  in  fact  existed  in  the 
minds  of  men  ever  since  man  had  bes^un  to  exert  a 
spiritual  tyranny  over  his  fellows  :  and  now  that  the 
right  of  formal  dissent  from  the  Church  of  Kome 
had  been  established  by  the  Episcopal  Church  of 
this  country,  it  was  inevitable  that  others  should  in 
their  turn  separate  themselves  from  its  communion  ; 

'  Address  to  Protestants,  p.  750,  Vol.  I.,  Penn's  Works, 
ed.  1720. 


T  A  N  X  E  R '  S    L  E  C  T  U  11  E  S  . 


91 


seeing  that  whilst  it  came  out  from  many  of  the  errors 
of  the  Papacy,  it  undertook  to  prescribe  services  from 
which  many  were  compelled  to  turn  away.  I  need 
only  refer,  in  support  of  this  remark,  to  the  Bap- 
tismal and  Burial  Services  contained  in  the  Prayer 
Book.^  But  was  there  no  satisfactory  resting-place 
to  be  found  in  any  of  the  numerous  bodies  of  Dis- 
senters which  sprang  up  about  this  time,  for  a  man 
holding  such  views  as  George  Fox  did,  without  his 
adding  still  another  to  the  sects  into  which  the  pro- 
fessing Church  was  divided  ?  I  think  not,  and  for 
these  reasons,  among  others,  (and  I  am  far  from 
stating  them  as  the  only  ones,)  that  whilst  the  more 
respectable  bodies  of  Dissenters  restricted  religious 
liberty  by  confining  the  services  of  the  congregation 
to  one  man,  and  expecting  their  members  to  receive 
an  outward  sign  of  communion  at  his  hands,  (not  to 
mention  their  adoption  of  formal  creeds ;)  there  was 
in  other  sects,  such  as  the  Eanters,  a  state  of  reli- 
gious anarchy,  and  a  want  of  spirituality  of  mind, 
which  unfitted  them  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
Christian  Churches.  It  is  hard  to  say  what  the 
Xational  Church  really  was  during  some  of  the  first 
years  of  our  Society's  existence :  I  mean  under  the 
Commonwealth,  and  the  Protectorate  of  Oliver 
Cromwell.  Episcopacy  was  overthrown  ;  and  In- 
lependency  had  gained  so  much  upon  Presbyterian- 

1  No  man  could  well  have  done  more  than  John  Wesley  did 
in  the  following  century,  to  retain  his  allegiance  to  the  Esta- 
blished Church  ;  but  this  effort  proved  a  very  unsuccessful  one. 


92 


tanner's  lectures. 


ism  that  a  compromise  had  to  be  effected ;  and  the 
last  mentioned  parties  were  not  the  only  ones  repre- 
sented in  the  governing  body  set  up  in  the  Church, 
under  Oliver  Cromwell.  The  period  was  emphati- 
cally one  of  convulsion,  both  in  church  and  state. 
Changes  followed  each  other  in  such  rapid  succes- 
sion that  the  national  mind  was  kept  in  a  state  of 
feverish  excitement,  which  naturally  gave  rise  to  • 
wild  fanaticism  in  some,  and  tended  to  exasperate 
the  feelings  of  the  different  parties  towards  one  an- 
other. In  a  work  published  in  1646,  sixteen  differ- 
ent sects  of  Christians  are  enumerated  as  being  then 
in  existence  in  England. 

In  attempting  to  trace  the  effects  produced  in  this  ^ 
part  of  the  country  by  the  labours  of  George  Fox 
and  his  brethren,  there  is  no  need  for  me  to  enter  at 
any  length  on  the  consideration  of  their  characters 
and  writings  ;  but  I  cannot  satisfactorily  pass  to  the 
consideration  of  these  results,  without  adverting  to 
the  varied  notice  which  the  early  Friends  have  re- 
ceived at  the  hands  of  some  modern  authors.  Per- 
haps our  tendency  has  been  to  be  over  sensitive  as 
to  what  other  people  say  about  us.  At  all  events, 
I  believe  we  have  had  of  late  more  occasion  to  be 
uneasy  on  account  of  the  damaging  praise  which 
some  writers  have  bestowed  on  George  Fox  and  his 
cotemporaries,  than  in  regard  to  the  unfair  and  un- 
just aspersions  of  others.  I  do  not  allude  to  authors 
and  lecturers  like  W.  Ilepworth  Dixon  and  George 
Dawson,  who  have  occupied  themselves  with  giving 


T  A  X  N  E  R  '  S  LECTURES. 


93 


prominence  to  the  mental  and  moral  characteristics 
of  George  Fox  and  William  Penn ;  but  to  authors 
like  Bancroft,  the  American  historian,  who,  taking 
advantage  of  certain  objectionable  forms  of  expres- 
sion, contained  in  some  of  the  early  writings,  and 
overlooking  the  plain  declarations  of  gospel  truth 
to  be  found  in  them,  have  attempted  to  show  that, 
in  giving  such  prominence  as  they  did  to  the  great 
doctrine  of  the  Holy  Spirit's  influence,  they  were 
only  directing  men  to  the  light  of  nature.  There  is 
something  in  these  representations  so  specious,  and 
so  attractive  to  a  certain  class  of  minds,  that  they 
are  far  more  likely,  as  it  seems  to  me,  to  prove  mis- 
chievous, than  the  unkind  aspersions  with  which 
other  writers,  like  Macaulay,  have  sought  to  defame 
our  forefathers.  Xo  candid  reader  who  possesses  a 
moderate  acquaintance  w^ith  the  lives  and  characters 
of  George  Fox  and  William  Penn,  can  read  Ma- 
caulay's  strictures  upon  them,  without  perceiving 
that  he  has  acted  the  part  of  a  prejudiced  advocate, 
rather  than  of  an  impartial  judge.  And  as  respects 
his  representations  of  George  Fox's  imbecility,  it 
has  always  seemed  to  me,  that  even  if  his  absurd 
caricature  were  a  correct  likeness,  it  would  only 
make  it  the  more  remarkable  that  such  a  man 
should  have  been  the  instrument  in  introducing  a 
system,  which  while  it  took  up  a  position  in  ad- 
vance of  other  Protestant  systems,  as  respects  its  re- 
nunciation of  priestly  and  sacramental  pretensions, 
its  practical  recognition  of  the  Spirit's  teaching,  and 


94 


tanner's  lectures. 


the  unyielding  obedience  to  some  neglected  com- 
mands of  Christ  which  it  inculcated,  has  steered 
clear  at  the  same  time  of  follies  such  as  characte- 
rized some  of  the  short  lived  sects  which  started 
into  existence  about  the  same  time.  William  Penn 
expresses  indeed  his  great  satisfaction  that  a  man 
raised  up  to  do  such  work  as  George  Fox's,  was 
"not  of  high  degree,  or  elegant  speech,  or  learned 
after  this  world  ;"  but  it  seems  to  me  impossible  to 
read  William  Penn's  very  striking  description  of 
this  remarkable  man  contained  in  the  preface  to  his 
Journal,  without  perceiving,  that  however  defective 
in  educational  training,  his  natural  character  was 
one  which,  under  the  influence  of  Divine  grace,  re- 
markably fitted  him  for  his  work.  I  allude  espe- 
cially to  that  rare  combination  of  manly  courage, 
and  dauntless  intrepidity,  with  gentleness  of  mind 
and  delicacy  of  feeling,  which  was  so  strikingly  ex- 
hibited in  his  case.  William  Penn  says  of  him, 
"As  he  was  unwearied,  so  he  was  undaunted  in  his 
services  for  God  and  His  people.  His  behavior  (in 
a  variety  of  instances  to  which  he  refers,  including 
his  appearance  in  Westminster  Hall,  and  before 
Oliver  Cromwell,)  did  abundantly  evidence  it  to  his 
enemies  as  well  as  to  his  friends."  "He  was  no 
more  to  be  moved  to  fear  than  to  wrath.  So  meek, 
contented,  modest,  eas}^,  steady,  tender,  it  was  a 
pleasure  to  be  in  his  company."  It  should  be  re- 
membered that  William  Penn  had,  as  he  tells  us, 
been  George  Fox's  companion  for  weeks  and  months 


T  A  N  X  E  R  '  S    L  E  C  T  U  U  E  S 


95 


together,  on  divers  occasions.  He  speaks  too  of  the 
originality  of  his  mind  and  the  soundness  of  his  un- 
derstanding:—  "As  to  man,  he  was  an  original, 
being  no  man's  copy;"  and,  "whilst  he  was  igno- 
rant of  useless  and  sophistical  science,  he  had  in  him 
the  foundation  of  useful  and  commendable  know- 
ledge, and  cherished  it  everywhere."  Of  his  polite- 
ness he  says  "  he  was  civil  beyond  all  forms  of 
breeding."  The  whole  of  this  description  of  George 
Fox,  in  the  preface  to  his  Journal,  is  well  worth 
reading.  So  too  is  Thomas  EUwood's  account, 
whk;h  follows  it.  I  must  quote  two  or  three  sen- 
tences from  the  latter.  He  says  of  George  Fox, 
"  He  was  valiant  for  the  truth,  bold  in  asserting  it, 
patient  in  suflering  for  it,  unwearied  in  labouring  in 
it,  steady  in  his  testimony  to  it;  immoveable  as  a 
rock."  "A  severe  reprover  of  hard  and  obstinate 
sinners ;  a  mild  and  gentle  admonisher  of  such  as 
were  tender  and  sensible  of  their  failings ;  not  apt 
to  resent  personal  wrongs;  easy  to  forgive  injuries: 
but  zealously  earnest  where  the  honor  of  God,  the 
prosperity  of  truth,  and  the  peace  of  the  Church 
were  concerned.  Very  tender,  compassionate,  and 
pitiful  he  was,  to  all  who  were  under  any  sort  of  af- 
fliction ;  full  of  brotherly  love,  full  of  fatherly  care." 

There  have  been  other  authors  of  late  who, 
though  diflering  widely  from  some  of  our  Christian 
views,  and  labouring  too  under  some  misapprehen- 
sions, have,  nevertheless,  shown  a  disposition  to 
treat  our  early  history  candidly  and  fairly.    I  might 


96 


tanner's  lectures. 


instance  Marsden,  in  his  Dictionary  of  Christian 
sects ;  and  Colquhoun,  in  his  Sketches  of  Notable 
Lives.  Marsden  is  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of 
England;  and  his  account  of  Friends,  as  of  other 
sects,  is  singularly  fair  and  impartial.  Colquhoun, 
who  is  also  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England, 
assigns  to  George  Fox  the  credit  of  having  prepared 
the  way  for  the  establishment  of  religious  freedom. 
He  seems  to  regard  this,  indeed,  as  the  chief  part 
of  his  mission :  and  though  the  service  which  he 
rendered  in  that  direction  was  but  a  secondary  re- 
sult of  his  upholding  the  paramount  authority  of 
Christ  in  the  Church,  it  was  doubtless  essentially 
connected  with  it.  There  is  an  epistle  from  George 
Fox  to  one  of  the  European  sovereigns,  written  for 
the  purpose  of  representing  to  him  the  persecution 
from  which  his  subjects  suffered,  in  which  many 
quotations  are  given  from  Christian  writers,  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  that  the  doctrine  of  liberty  of 
conscience  had  been  recognized,  in  theory  at  least, 
in  the  later  as  well  as  in  the  earlier  periods  of  church 
history.  There  were  also  some  remarkable  testi- 
monies borne  by  authors  cotemporary  with  George 
Fox  —  by  Jeremy  Taylor  and  John  Milton  in  par- 
ticular, to  what  the  former  denominates  "  the  liberty 
of  prophesying."  That  great  principle  had  just  re- 
ceived a  practical  illustration  in  the  course  pursued 
by  Eoger  Williams,  a  puritan  minister,  who  having 
been  expelled  from  New  England,  had  established 
a  system  of  universal  toleration  in  Rhode  Island. 


T  A  N  N  E  ll'  S    L  E  C  T  U  II  E  S  . 


97 


"Nor  can  I  omit  to  mention  the  remarkable  example 
of  two  Archbishops  in  the^eventeenth  century  (one 
of  them  a  Roman  Catholic)  F^nelon  in  France,  and 
Leighton  in  Scotland,  who,  being  entrusted  by  their 
respective  sovereigns  with  the  task  of  inducing  Dis- 
senters to  submit  to  church  authority,  declined  to 
avail  themselves  of  armed  force,  choosing  to  rely 
only  on  the  weapons  which  the  spiritual  armoury 
supplied.  AVe  may  well  apply  to  them  the  test  of 
true  greatness  of  mind,  which  Dr.  Arnold  proposed, 
that  of  men's  soaring  above  the  opinions  of  their 
time  into  the  regions  of  eternal  truth.  Tolerant 
opinions  certainl}^  did  not  belong  to  their  time;  and 
in  this  countr}',  as  Colquhoun  remarks,  the  "  opinion 
held  its  ground  which  the  Commonwealth  inherited 
from  the  Monarch}-,  and  bequeathed  to  the  Restora- 
tion, in  which  the  Church  and  the  Sectary  were 
agreed — that  conscience  was  to  be  governed  by  sta- 
tute, and  religion  enforced  by  law."  He  adds,  "It 
was  no  easy  matter  to  gainsay  these  views  ;  and  yet 
they  must  be  uprooted  if  conscience  was  to  be  free. 
The  man  who  would  attempt  this  had  a  hard  task, 
and  needed  rare  qualities ;  a  daring  spirit,  yet 
matchless  patience ;  the  courage  which  could  brave 
violence,  yet  the  gentleness  ^vhich  could  disarm  hos- 
tility, and  win  prejudice  by  mild  persuasion."  Such 
a  man  he  describes  George  Fox  to  have  been.^ 

*  Since  extracting  this  passage,  I  have  discovered  that  a  simi- 
lar one  is  quoted  by  John  Ilodgkin,  in  his  Lecture  at  Birming- 
ham, on  "the  progress  of  religious  liberty,  &c.,"  from  a  paper 
9  G 


tanner's  LICCTURES. 


The  city  of  Bristol  appears  to  have  partaken,  to 
the  full  extent,  of  the  excitement  and  the  varying 
opinions  on  religions  subjects,  of  which  I  have 
spoken,  as  having  characterized  the  period  alluded 
to.  In  a  farewell  sermon  preached  by  Major  Kem, 
one  of  Cromwell's  officers,  to  his  regiment,  in  1646, 
he  says,  "It  is  a  sad  time,  this,  but  a  more  sad 
omen  of  wwser  times,  even  the  rabble  of  opinions 
in  this  city  of  Bristol :  of  which  I  may  say,  'as  the 
sword  hath  slain  many,  so  hath  error  many  more, 
in  a  few  months'  time.'  One  while,  such  a  man 
preacheth  truth,  and  you  are  willing  to  pluck  out 
your  eyes  to  do  him  good  :  a  little  while  after,  you 
are  ready  to  pull  out  his  eyes,  and  he  is  a  low  man, 
and  not  worthy  your  presence,  and  so,  discouraged. 
How  many  w^ays  do  you  make  to  heaven  in  this 
place  ?  I  beseech  you,  where  I  am  related  unto,  to 
look  to  your  guards :  keep  a  strict  watch  :  double 
your  guard:  eye  your  sally-ports:  and  put  on  the 
whole  armour  of  God."^  But  amidst  this  rabble  of 
opinions,  and  notwithstanding  the  wild  extrava- 
gance of  some,  and  the  lifeless  formality  of  others, 
there  w^ere  to  be  found  in  Bristol,  as  in  many  other 
places,  a  number  of  stedfast  and  earnest  inquirers, 

by  Colquhoun,  in  the  Christian  Observer.  J.  II.  adds  John 
Locke's  name  to  those  of  Taylor  and  Milton,  as  a  cotemporary 
•writer  favourable  to  religious  liberty.  I  would  strongly  recom- 
mend the  reading  of  this  Lecture,  which  is  published  in  the 
form  of  a  pamphlet,  to  any  of  my  friends  who  have  not  seen  it. 

1  Sayer's  History  of  Bristol,  Vol.  11.,  p.  465. 


tanner's  lectures. 


99 


who,  wearied  with  the  contradictory  teachings  of 
men,  were  longing  for  rest  unto  their  souls :  and  some, 
too,  who,  like  George  Fox,  were  unable  conscien- 
tiously to  retain  their  connexion  with  the  religious 
sects  to  which  they  belonged.  Charles  Marshall,  who 
was  born  in  Bristol,  in  1637,  says,  in  speaking  of 
his  childhood,  "I  went  with  my  mother  to  the  In- 
dependent meetings,  in  the  days  of  that  people's 
tenderness  and  sincerity ;  and  sometimes  I  went  to 
the  Baptists'  meeting,  and  in  public,  to  hear  those 
men  who  were  esteemed  most  zealous  in  their  day. 
Among  those  people,  and  in  those  assemblies,  there 
were  awakenings  inwardly  through  the  stirrings 
and  strivings  of  the  gift  of  God,  under  the  sense  of 
which  living  pantings  and  breathings  were  in  many 
of  their  souls,  after  the  true  spiritual  knowledge  of 
God,  who  is  a  Spirit."  After  speaking  of  declen- 
sion as  having  followed  these  awakenings,  he  adds, 
"And  in  those  times,  viz.,  about  the  year  1654, 
there  were  many  who  were  seeking  after  the  Lord ; 
and  there  were  a  few  of  us  who  kept  one  day  in 
the  week  in  fasting  and  prayer;  so  that  when  this 
day  came,  we  met  together  early  in  the  morning, 
and  did  not  taste  anything.  We  sat  down  some- 
times in  silence ;  and  as  any  found  a  concern  on 
their  spirits  and  inclination  in  their  hearts,  they 
kneeled  down  and  sought  the  Lord  ;  so  that  some- 
times, before  the  day  ended,  there  might  be  twenty 
of  us  pray,  men  and  women ;  on  some  of  these  oc* 
casions.  children  spake  a  few  words  in  prayer ;  and 


100 


tanner's  lectuhes. 


we  were  sometimes  greatly  bowed  and  broken  be- 
fore the  Lord  in  humility  and  tenderness.  Unto 
one  of  these,  our  meetings,  in  the  year  1654,  came 
dearly  beloved  John  Audland  and  John  Camra, 
messengers  of  the  ever-living  God."^  This  brings 
us  to  the  first  visit  paid  to  Bristol  by  those  who  had 
become  united  with  George  Fox  as  members  and 
ministers  of  the  Society  of  Friends. 

Ten  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Christian 
doctrines  preached  by  George  Fox  had  begun  to 
spread  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  Leicestershire, 
his  native  county ;  and  many  in  the  northern  coun- 
ties of  England  had,  in  the  meantime,  become 
united  with  them  in  religious  profession.  George 
Fox  tells  us  that,  in  this  year,  his  fellow-labourers 
in  the  ministry  were  above  sixty  in  number;  and 
he  mentions  different  districts  of  the  country  into 
which  they  went  forth,  some  of  them  by  two  and 
two,  and  others  single  handed.  That  the  fields 
were  white  to  harvest,  was  evidenced  by  the  multi- 
tudes who  everywhere  gathered  around  these  de- 
voted men,  and  by  the  readiness  with  which  their 
testimony  was  received.  This  was  strikingly  ttie 
case  in  Bristol,  where  the  companies  of  people  who 
thronged  to  listen  to  the  preaching  of  John  Aud- 
land and  John  Camm  were  so  great,  that  no  house 
could  contain  them.  "  The  places  of  meeting  were 
too  streight,"  says  an  early  historian,  "the  assem- 
blies thereupon  in  the  open  fields,  though  it  was 

^  Journal  of  Charles  Marshall,  Chap.  I. 


tanner's  lectures. 


101 


\\'inter,  were  multiplied  to  two,  three,  nay,  some- 
times to  near  four  thousand  people."  Edward  Bur- 
rough  and  Francis  Howgill,  who  had,  in  the  early 
part  of  this  year,  visited  London,  and  been  instru- 
mental to  the  gathering  of  a  large  Society  there, 
came  also  to  Bristol ;  and  though  their  labours,  to- 
gether with  those  of  John  Audland  and  John 
Camm,  excited  a  strong  and  violent  opposition  on 
the  part  of  both  ministers  and  people,  a  number  of 
steadfast  followers  gathered  around  them.^  Among 
the  earliest  of  the  Bristol  converts  were  Charles 
Marshall,  from  whose  Journal  I  have  quoted ;  Jo- 
siah  Coale ;  Dennis  Ilollistcr,  a  Deacon  in  the  con- 
gregation of  Dissenters,  meeting  in  Broadmead ; 
Barbara  Blagdon,  Edward  Pyot,  and  George  Bishop. 
Fuller,  in  his  History  of  Dissent,  &c.,  describes  D. 
Hollister  as  a  great  man  in  the  corporation,  and  a 
Member  of  Parliament;  but  I  do  not  find  his  name 
among  the  Members  for  Bristol.  E.  Pyot  and  G. 
Bishop  are  described  as  "  Captains,"  and  had  held 
commissions  in  the  army,  under  the  Parliament. 
George  Fox,  speaking  in  the  following  year  of  a 

^  John  Audland  and  Francis  Ilowgill  had  both  been  ministers 
in  another  denomination  before  they  became  Friends  ;  and  on 
making  the  change,  they  returned  to  their  flocks  the  money 
which  they  ha^  received  in  that  capacity.  Edward  Burrougb, 
who  is  described  by  Marsden  as  the  Whitfield  of  the  party,  died 
in  Newgate,  London,  at  the  age  of  twenty-height.  Being  in 
Bristol  shortly  before,  he  told  some  of  his  friends  that  he  was 
going  up  to  the  city  of  London  again,  to  lay  down  his  life  for 
the  gospel,  and  to  sufi*er  amongst  Friends  in  that  place. 
9  * 


102  tanner's  lectures. 

large  meeting  at  Reading,  says,  thither  came 
George  Bishop,  of  Bristol,  with  his  sword  by  his 
side,  for  he  was  a  Captain."  It  does  not  appear 
whether  George  Fox  gave  him  the  advice  which  he 
is  said  to  have  done  to  William  Penn,  on  the  lat- 
ter's  asking  him  whether  he  would  advise  him  to 
give  np  wearing  his  sword,  "I  advise  thee  to  wear 
it  as  long  as  thou  canst."  ^  John  Audland  and  John 
Camm  visited  Somersetshire  and  other  parts  of  the 
West  of  England  at  this  time.  Among  the  earliest 
and  most  eminent  of  the  Somersetshire  Friends, 
were  Jasper  Batt,  of  Street,  and  John  Anderdon, 
of  Bridgewater.  The  names  of  Clark,  Metford, 
Clothier,  and  Gun  dry,  occur  at  a  very  early  period 
in  the  middle  division ;  those  of  Alloway,  Ferris 
and  Parsons,  and  afterwards  of  Pole,  in  the  "West ; 
and  in  the  North,  we  have  those  of  John  and 
Samuel  Hipsley,  Arthur  and  Abraham  Thomas, 
and  Edmund  Beakes.  The  last  named  Friend  lived 
at  Portshead,  in  the  house  now  occupied  by  James 
Tanner.  George  Fox's  first  visit  to  Bristol  was  in 
1656.  Edward  Pyot  had  been  his  companion  in  a 
journey  through  the  Western  counties,  commenced 
in  the  previous  year,  and  had  sufiered  a  severe  im- 

'  This  anecdote  is  given  by  Janney,  in  his  Memoir  of  Wil- 
liam Penn,  on  what  he  considers  reliable  tradition.  The  ac- 
count goes  on  to  state  that,  -when  the  two  Friends  next  met, 
George  Fox  said,  "William,  where  is  thy  sword?"  "Oh!'' 
said  William  Penn,  "  I  have  taken  thy  advice ;  I  wore  it  as  long 
as  I  could." 


T  A  X  X  E  R '  S    L  E  C  T  U  11  E  S  . 


103 


prisonment  with  him  in  Lauuceston  gaol.  After 
their  liberation,  they  came  by  way  of  Exeter  and 
Taunton  to  Puddimore,  in  Somersetshire.  George 
Fox  says,  "  a  great  convincement  there  was  up  and 
down  in  that  countiy — mauy  meetings  we  had,  and 
the  Lord's  power  was  over  all ;  many  were  turned 
by  the  power  and  Spirit  of  God  to  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  died  for  them,  and  came  to  sit  under 
His  free  teaching."  George  Fox  next  accompanied 
Edward  Pyot,  his  late  fellow  prisoner,  to  his  house 
near  Bristol,  arriving  there  on  a  seventh-day.  The 
followinoj  mornins:  he  attended  the  meetinsj  in 
Broadmead,  which  was  large  and  quiet.  ISTotice 
was  given  of  a  meeting  to  be  held  in  the  Orchard, 
which  Friends  then  made  use  of  for  their  larger 
gatherings.  As  he  was  on  his  way  to  this  meeting, 
George  Fox  was  told  that  a  noted  opponent  of 
Friends  would  be  present;  "but,"  true  to  himself, 
he  adds,  "I  bid  them  never  heed,  it  was  nothing  to 
me  who  went  to  it."  He  mentions  having  stood 
for  some  time  in  silence,  on  the  stone  in  the  orchard 
(which  Friends  used  in  speaking,)  with  his  hat  off, 
letting  the  people  look  at  him,  some  thousands 
being  present.  The  expected  opponent  came  and 
made  some  disturbance,  but  was  soon  silenced,  and 
George  Fox  adds,  "  a  glorious,  peaceable  meeting 
we  had;  the  word  of  life  was  divided  amongst 
them ;  and  they  were  turned  from  darkness  to 
light,  and  to  Jesus  their  Saviour."  After  speaking 
for  hours,  and  directing  them,  as  he  says,  to  the 


104  tanner's  lectures. 

Spirit  of  God  in  themselves  that  would  lead  them 
into  all  truth,  he  concluded  with  prayer.  "The 
Lord's  power,"  he  adds,  "  came  over  all.  A  blessed 
day  it  was,  and  the  Lord  had  the  praise."  At 
Edward  Pyot's  house  he  had  another  large  meet- 
ing, at  which  he  says,  "  many  were  turned  to  Christ 
Jesus  their  life,  their  Prophet  to  teach  them,  their 
Shepherd  to  feed  them,  and  their  Bishop  to  oversee 
them." 

In  the  following  year  (1657,)  George  Fox  was 
again  in  Bristol ;  and  three  years  later,  on  his  return 
from  Cornwall,  he  passed  again  through  Somerset- 
shire, where  he  had  "  divers  large  and  peaceable 
meetings ;"  and  arrived  in  Bristol,  as  on  the  occasion 
of  his  first  visit,  at  the  end  of  the  week.  Finding 
that  Friends  had  been  driven  out  of  the  orchard, 
the  day  before,  by  a  company  of  soldiers,  he  re- 
quested George  Bishop,  Thomas  Gouldney,  Thomas 
Speed,  and  Edward  Pyot,  to  go  to  the  Mayor  and 
Aldermen,  and  ask  them  to  allow  Friends  the  use 
of  the  Town  Hall  to  meet  in,  and  to  offer  at  the 
same  time  to  pay  £20  per  annum  to  the  poor,  as 
compensation  for  its  use.  These  Friends  were 
astonished,  and  said  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen 
w^ould  think  they  were  mad.  At  last  they  con- 
sented to  go,  "though  in  the  cross  to  their  own 
wills;"  and  they  seem  to  have  been  agreeably  dis- 
appointed with  their  reception.  On  hearing  their 
proposal  the  Mayor  said,  "for  his  part  he  could 
agree  to  it;  but  he  was  but  one."    He  mentioned 


T  A  X  X  E  R ' S    LEG  T  U  R  E  S 


105 


another  hall  to  them,  which  would  not,  however, 
answer  their  purpose.  ^'  So  the}'  came  awa}',  leaving 
the  Mayor  in  a  very  loving  frame  towards  them." 
It  was  concluded  that  the  meeting  on  the  following 
day  should  be  held  in  the  orchard,  as  usual ;  and 
though  some  formidable  opposition  was  offered,  it 
gave  wa}'.  Again  a  large  meeting  was  held  at 
Edward  Pyot's  house,  at  which  it  was  judged  several 
thousands  of  people  attended.  Friends  from  other 
places  were  present ;  and  some  of  the  Baptists  and 
Independents,  with  their  teachers,  and  many  others 
of  the  sober  people  of  Bristol,  insomuch  that  the 
people  who  stayed  behind  said,  "the  city  looked 
naked."  George  Fox  says  of  this  meeting,  "it  was 
ver}'  quiet,  many  glorious  truths  were  opened  to 
the  people,  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  set  up, 
who  is  the  end  of  all  figures  and  shadows,  of  the 
law,  and  the  first  covenant." 

In  1662  George  Fox  had  a  narrow  escape  from 
imprisonment  in  Bristol.  Alexander  Parker,  his 
companion,  standing  up  first  to  speak,  was  carried 
off  to  prison.  George  Fox  stood  up  after  him,  but 
was  unmolested.  He  says,  "I  tarried  till  first  day 
following,  visiting  Friends,  and  being  visited  by 
Friends.  On  first  day  morning  several  Friends 
came  to  Edward  Pyot's,  where  I  lay  the  night 
before,  and  used  endeavours  to  persuade  me  not  to 
go  to  the  meeting  that  day ;  for  the  magistrates 
had  threatened  to  take  me,  and  had  raised  the 
trained  bands.  I  wished  them  to  go  to  the  meeting, 


106 


tanner's  lectures. 


not  telling  them  what  I  intended  to  do  ;  but  I  told 
Edward  Pjot  I  intended  to  go,  and  he  sent  his  son 
to  show  me  the  way  from  his  house,  by  the  fields. 
As  I  went  I  met  divers  Friends,  who  did  what  they 
could  to  stop  me :  'What,'  said  one,  'wilt  thou  go 
into  the  mouth  of  the  beast?'  '  Wilt  thou  go  into 
the  mouth  of  the  dragon  V  said  another.  I  put 
them  by,  and  went  on.  When  I  came  to  the 
meeting,  Margaret  Thomas  was  speaking.  When 
she  had  done  I  stood  up.  I  saw  a  concern  and  fear 
upon  Friends  for  me ;  but  the  power  of  the  Lord, 
in  which  I  declared,  soon  struck  the  fear  out  of 
them.  Life  sprang,  and  a  heavenly,  glorious  meet- 
ing we  had."  The  meeting  ended  peaceably,  the 
soldiers  having,  meanwhile,  been  employed  in 
breaking  up  another  meeting.  (Of  George  Fox's 
marriage  in  Bristol,  I  shall  liave  to  speak  hereafter.) 

On  his  return  from  America  and  the  West  Indies, 
George  Fox  landed  at  Shirehampton,  and  went  on 
to  Bristol,  where  he  was  met  by  his  wife,  by  William 
Penn,  and  others.  Here  again  he  held  large  meet- 
ings, and  from  the  account  given  of  them  in  his 
Journal,  he  may,  emphatically,  be  said  to  have 
preached  Christ  to  the  people.  This  was  in  1673. 
Five  years  before  this  he  speaks  of  a  visit  to  Bristol, 
and  of  the  establishment  of  men's  and  women's 
meetings  for  discipline  in  this  city.  This  exactly 
tallies  with  our  Bristol  records :  the  first  meeting 
for  discipline,  of  which  the  minutes  are  preserved, 
having  been  held  in  the  third  month,  1667. 


tanner's  lectures. 


107 


Before  entering  on  the  subject  of  the  discipline 
and  of  the  state  of  the  society  in  those  early  days, 
as  indicated  by  these  records,  the  mention  of  which 
must  be  reserved  for  a  future  Lecture,  it  is  needful 
to  turn  to  that  which  was  the  most  prominent 
feature  in  our  history  in  those  times,  the  severe  and 
almost  constant  persecution  under  which  its  members 
suffered.  In  Bristol  and  Somersetshire,  as  else- 
where, persecution  commenced  with  the  rise  of  the 
Society,  and  pursued  it  with  but  little  interruption 
for  upwards  of  thirty,  and  in  some  places  for  nearly 
forty  years.  The  persecutions  of  this  period  were 
less  barbarous  indeed  than  those  which  befel  the 
first  teachers  of  the  Reformed  Churches.  Christian 
civilization  had  made  great  progress  since  the  days 
in  which  William  Tyndale  and  John  Frith  gave  to 
their  countrymen  the  invaluable  treasure  of  the 
printed  English  Bible ;  and  sealed  their  testimony 
to  its  truths  with  their  blood,  as  did  many  others 
of  their  time,  and  as  the  disciples  of  Wj'ckliffe  had 
done  before  them.  The  reaction  which  took  place 
in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary  had  been  mercifully  cut 
short.  It  was  a  true  prophecy  which  was  uttered 
by  the  venerable  Latimer,  for  the  encouragement 
of  Ridley,  his  brother  martyr,  as  they  were  being 
chained  to  the  stake,  "  Be  of  good  courage.  Master 
Ridley,  and  play  the  man ;  we  shall  this  day  light 
such  a  candle,  by  God's  grace,  in  England,  as,  I 
trust,  shall  never  be  put  out." 

The  progress  which  civil  liberty  had  made,  also 


108 


tanner's  L  E  C  T  U  li  E  s . 


produced  a  very  marked  effect,  as  regards  the  re- 
straints which  were  imposed  on  those  persecutions 
of  which  I  speak.  Juries  were  less  ready  than  they 
had  been  to  convict  prisoners,  in  violation  of  their 
conscientious  convictions.  The  inhuman  practice 
of  legal  torture  ceased  in  England  under  the 
Commonwealth :  and  thousfh  men  and  women 
were  fined,  scourged,  imprisoned,  and  transported, 
for  daring  to  worship  God  as  their  consciences 
dictated,  and  even  incurred  a  liability  to  the  punish- 
ment of  death,  that  sentence  was  no  longer  carried 
into  execution  in  England  for  such  offences.  Even 
among  the  Puritans  of  New  England,  the  gallows 
was  substituted  for  the  stake.  But  if  the  treatment 
of  Protestant  Dissenters  under  Cromwell  and 
Charles  II.  was  comparatively  mikl,  how  cruel  must 
have  been  the  previous  suffering  endured  by  them  ? 
Let  us  turn  for  a  short  time  to  the  consideration  of 
what  in  those  days  was  involved  in  the  punishment 
of  being  sent  to  prison.  It  was  not  the  mere  de- 
privation of  personal  liberty,  the  being  shut  up  as 
prisoners  now  are,  in  apartments  so  well  warmed 
and  ventilated,  and  with  such  a  supply  of  wholesome 
food,  that  it  is  to  be  feared  many  a  poor  man  is  in- 
duced to  commit  crime  for  the  very  purpose  of  find- 
ing an  asylum  within  the  prison  walls.  Our  early 
Friends  were  not  a  complaining  people,  but  some 
of  the  representations  which  they  had  to  make  in 
Bristol  and  Somersetshire,  as  elsewhere,  of  the  state 
of  the  cells  and  dungeons  in  which  they  were 


tanner's  lectures. 


109 


herded  together,  are  of  the  most  loathsome  character. 
If  any  one  should  be  disposed  to  think  that  such 
cases  were  exceptional,  he  would  do  well  to  turn  to 
that  faithful  and  humiliating  picture,  which  was 
presented  one  hundred  years  later,  of  the  condition 
of  our  prisons,  by  that  great  and  devoted  friend  of 
mankind,  John  Howard.  His  work  on  prisons  is 
too  large  to  find  many  readers ;  but  the  "  General 
View  of  Distress  in  Prisons,"  which  forms  the  first 
section  of  it,  deserves  to  be  universally  studied.  I 
am  the  more  disposed  to  extract  a  few  sentences 
from  it,  because,  in  addition  to  my  present  purpose, 
it  may  serve  as  a  basis  for  the  consideration  of  some 
more  recent  efibrts  which  have  been  made  for  the 
relief  of  prisoners,  and,  I  might  add,  for  the  relief 
of  lunatics.^  The  testimony  of  some  of  the  authors 
quoted  by  Howard  on  this  sad  subject  relates  to  an 
earlier,  and  of  others  to  a  later  period  than  that  of 
our  first  Friends.  He  has  the  following  sentence 
from  Lord  Bacon,  which  has  doubtless  served  as  a 
text  to  many  a  sanatory  reformer :  —  "  The  most 
pernicious  infection,  next  the  plague,  is  the  smell 
of  a  jail,  when  the  prisoners  have  been  long  and 
close  and  nastily  kept ;  whereof  we  have  had  in  our 
time  experience  twice  or  thrice,  when  both  the 
Judges  that  sat  upon  the  jail,  and  numbers  of  those 
who  attended  the  business  or  were  present,  sickened 

'  See  Appendix. 

10 


110 


tanner's  lectures. 


and  died."  This  quotation  is  followed  by  the  state- 
ment, that  at  the  Lent  Assize  in  Taunton,  in  1730, 
some  prisoners  who  were  brought  thither  from  II- 
chester  Jail  infected  the  court,  and  Lord  Chief 
Baron  Pengellj,  Sir  James  Sheppard,  Sergeant, 
John  Pigot,  Esq.,  Sheriff,  and  some  hundreds 
besides,  died  of  the  jail  distemper.  The  jail  at  II- 
chester,  mentioned  in  the  last  extract,  is  the  one  to 
whicli  I  shall  chiefly  have  to  refer  in  speaking  of 
Somersetshire.  In  describing  his  own  visit  to  it, 
Howard  mentions,  "  Straw  on  the  stone  floors,  no 
bedsteads,  no  infirmary,  no  bath."  He  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  shown  the  wTetclied  dungeon 
whicli  was  in  use  one  hundred  years  before,  and 
which  served  not  only  the  purpose  of  a  condemned 
cell,  but  also  on  some  occasions  as  the  receptacle 
of  innocent  men — prisoners  for  conscience'  sake. 
"We  may  hope  that  this  relic  of  barbarity  no  longer 
existed,  for  there  were  few  things  which  escaped  the 
penetrating  eye  of  that  undaunted  man.  On 
Howard's  visiting  Bristol,  he  was  shown  the  dun- 
geon in  Newgate,  w^hich  was  then  called  the  Pit, 
and  was,  I  suppose,  the  same  as  the  West  House, 
often  mentioned  in  the  records  of  Friends'  sufferings. 
A  descent  of  eighteen  steps  led  down  into  this 
miserable  hole,  wdiich  he  describes  as  close  and 
offensive.  Of  the  old  City  Bridewell,  which  had 
also  been  a  place  of  grca.t  suflfering  to  Friends,  he 


tanner's  lectures. 


Ill 


says,  "All  the  rooms  were  very  clirt}^,  and  made 
offensive  by  sewers."  The  almost  unlimited  power 
of  many  of  the  jailers,  was  another  point  which 
claimed  the  special  notice  of  Howard,  and  it  was 
one  which  had  been  connected  with  the  worst 
features  of  the  imprisonment  which  befel  our  fore- 
fathers. 

The  persecution  of  Friends  in  Bristol  and  Somer- 
setshire followed  to  some  extent  the  same  course  as 
that  of  their  brethren  in  other  parts  of  the  country. 
It  commenced  under  the  Commonwealth,  and  be- 
came still  more  severe  under  Charles  II.  The  for- 
mer period  was  doubtless  one  which  brought  great 
relief  to  many  who  had  suffered  under  the  tyranny 
of  the  Star  Chamber  and  the  High  Commission; 
and  although  Oliver  Cromwell  was  doubtless  re- 
sponsible for  the  severe  persecution  which  befel  the 
early  Friends,  it  is  probable  that  he  acted  in  defer- 
ence to  popular  clamour,  rather  than  in  accordance 
with  his  own  conviction.  At  all  events,  nothing 
could  well  be  stronger  than  his  declarations  in 
favour  of  the  free  toleration  of  religious  differences. 
We  need  not  be  at  any  loss  to  account  for  the  ex- 
istence of  popular  prejudice  in  this  instance,  when 
we  remember  the  prevalence  of  bitter  party  feeling 
before  alluded  to ;  the  extent  to  which  the  position 
assumed  by  Friends  was  opposed  to  the  views  of 
the  previously  existing  sects ;  the  fact  that  Friends 


112 


tanner's  lectures. 


were  not  satisfied  to  act  only  on  the  defensive  ;  and 
that  although  the  cry  for  liberty  was  everywhere  to 
be  heard,  there  were  but  few  who  understood  in 
what  it  consisted,  or  were  willing  to  grant  others 
the  freedom  which  they  claimed  for  themselves.^ 

The  opposition  with  which  our  forefathers  had  to 
contend,  was  no  doubt  aggravated  by  the  success 
which  attended  their  preaching.  In  Bristol  the 
companies  of  inquiring  people  who  attended  the 
meetings  (large  as  they  were,)  were  probably  out- 
numbered by  the  ignorant  mobs  assembled  to  insult 
and  injure  them.  John  Audland  and  John  Camm 
were  in  great  danger  of  their  lives  when,  in  pro- 
ceeding towards  Brislington  to  attend  a  meeting,  a 
large  concourse  of  people  prevented  them  from 
passing  the  Bridge ;  and  carried  them,  amidst 
threats  and  execrations,  into  the  city ;  where  the 
approach  of  officers  of  the  garrison  induced  the 
rioters  to  disperse.  On  the  following  day  these 
earnest-minded  men  reached  Brislington,  and  held 

*  There  is  a  sketch  given  in  a  pamphlet  published  by  Friends 
in  1656,  of  the  party  spirit  which  had  prevailed  in  Bristol 
during  the  previous  eighteen  years.  Episcopacy  is  represented 
as  having  persecuted  Puritanism  ;  then  Puritanism  in  the  form 
of  the  Presbytery  opposed  Episcopacy  as  popish  and  Independ- 
ency as  heresy.  Afterwards  Independency  gained  the  ascendant, 
and  paid  its  persecutors  in  their  own  coin.  And  lastly,  these 
sects,  and  others  with  them,  were  leagued  together  against  the 
Quakers. 


tanner's  lectures.  113 

their  meeting ;  but  the  mob  having  again  collected 
on  the  Bridge,  the  magistrates,  fearing  bloodshed 
would  ensue,  sent  their  Sword  Bearer  to  prevent 
the  preachers  from  returning  that  way.  One  of  the 
Presbyterian  ministers  who  now  filled  the  pulpits 
of  the  city,  of  the  name  of  Farmer,  is  said  to  have 
been  especially  active  in  inciting  the  rioters. 

The  magistrates  certainly  manifested  a  commend- 
able zeal  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  of  the 
city  ;  but  one  of  them  in  particular.  Alderman  Hel- 
lier,  showed  great  sympathy  with  the  rioters :  and 
in  reporting  these  tumults  to  the  Protector,  they 
represented  these  innocent  men  against  whom  they 
were  raised  as  the  cause  of  them.  They  also  issued 
a  warrant  for  the  apprehension  of  the  strangers,  in- 
cluding in  the  number  George  Fox  and  James  l^ay- 
lor,  neither  of  whom  had  then  been  in  Bristol. 
The  absurd  plea  on  which  this  warrant  was  issued, 
was  that  of  their  being  monks  of  the  Franciscan 
order  from  Rome,  travelling  under  the  guise  of 
Quakers.  The  opposition  offered  to  these  strangers 
was  subsequently  turned  against  those  who  had  em- 
braced their  doctrines,  and  they  had  to  undergo  a 
severe  ordeal  of  persecution,  which  was  however 
but  an  earnest  of  greater  suffering  in  store  for  them. 
At  one  of  the  Quarter  Sessions,  before  which  a 
number  of  Friends  had  to  appear,  the  Town  Clerk 
in  charging  the  jury  told  them,  the  law  did  protect 
10*  H 


114 


tanner's  lectures. 


those  who  met  together  to  sing,  pray,  read  or  ex- 
pound the  Scriptures ;  but  for  people  to  meet 
together,  though  in  a  private  house,  and  to  be 
silent,  was  no  part  of  religion,  and  therefore  out  of 
the  verge  of  the  law.  The  Friends  had  no  diflGlculty 
in  making  it  appear  that  this  doctrine  was  as  con- 
trary to  law  as  it  was  to  sound  sense ;  and  they  fur- 
ther showed  that  the  statement  on  which  it  was 
based  was  incorrect,  as  it  was  well  known  that  they 
did  not  meet  together  "resolving  silence,"  and  that 
there  was  both  prayer  and  preaching  in  their  meet- 
ings. Marsden,  in  his  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Sects,  says,  that  the  only  excuse  which  can  be 
pleaded  for  the  severity  used  towards  Friends,  was 
furnished  by  the  excesses  into  which  some  of  those 
connected  with  them  were  led.  And  after  making 
large  allowance  for  the  misrepresentations  of  adver- 
saries, and  even  confining  ourselves  to  Friends'  own 
statements,  it  is  evident  that  a  good  deal  of  un- 
healthy excitement  prevailed.  It  could  hardly  in- 
deed have  been  otherwise  than  that,  in  an  age  of 
universal  excess  of  feeling,  many  persons  of  ex- 
citable temperament  would  gather  to  this  new 
standard  of  profession.  In  the  early  Bristol  Minutes, 
mention  is  made  of  two  crazy  persons,  in  particular, 
by  whom  the  meetings  were  disturbed  from  week 
to  week.  And  a  severe  trial  awaited  the  newly 
gathered  Society  in  Bristol,  in  the  visit  paid  by 


tanner's  lectures. 


115 


James  Xaylor,  in  company  with  a  set  of  followers 
who,  on  any  other  supposition  than  that  of  their 
being  insane,  must  be  allowed  to  have  rendered  him 
blasphemous  homage.  I  cannot  bring  myself  to 
dwell  on  the  painful  details  of  their  proceedings, 
and  of  the  still  more  inexcusable  cruelty  with  which 
James  Xaylor  was  treated.  There  may  be  lessons 
of  instruction  to  be  derived  from  these  events,  as 
regards  the  effects  which  spiritual  pride  and  vanity 
may  produce ;  and  from  the  humility  and  contrition 
which  marked  I»[aylor's  subsequent  course :  but 
there  was  still  more  in  his  case,  if  I  mistake  not, 
which  pointed  to  a  truth  but  little  recognised  in 
that  day,  that  there  are  diseased  conditions  of  mind 
which  should  rather  be  dealt  with  by  the  skill  of 
the  physician,  than  by  the  branding-iron  of  the  ex- 
ecutioner. But  if  any  shade  of  excuse  was  to  be 
found  in  such  excesses  for  the  indiscriminate  perse- 
cution of  this  suffering  people,  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  their  suffering  was  everywhere  received 
with  meekness  and  resignation,  such  as  should  have 
disarmed  prejudice  and  opposition. 

In  Somersetshire,  as  in  Bristol,  this  period  of  the 
commonwealth  was  one  in  which  Friends  suffered 
greatly  from  the  violence  of  mobs  gathered  to  as- 
sault them,  and  led  on,  as  was  too  often  the  case,  by 
parish  priests,  and  instigated  by  the  magistrates 
themselves.    Companies  of  men  armed  with  pitch- 


116 


TANNER'S  LECTURES. 


forks,  and  other  weapons,  rushed  into  quiet  village 
meetings,  causing  the  utmost  disorder;  and  after- 
wards accused  the  Friends  so  assembled  of  having 
been  concerned  in  a  riot.  In  some  instances  the 
horses  of  Friends  who  were  riding  to  meeting  were 
taken  from  them ;  and  those  who  ventured  a  few 
miles  from  their  homes  were  apprehended  on  a 
charge  of  vagranc}'.  Among  these  is  mentioned 
John  Evans,  of  Inglishcombe,  near  Bath.  His  wife, 
Katherine  Evans  (a  well-known  name),  having  ven- 
tured to  preach  repentance  to  the  people,  in  the 
market-place,  at  Salisbury,  was,  by  the  mayor's 
order,  tied  to  a  whipping-post  in  the  market,  and 
scourged  by  the  beadle.  Returning  thither  next 
month,  and  exhorting  the  people  as  before,  she  was 
sent  to  the  Bridewell,  and  put  into  an  offensive  place 
called  the  blind-house,  where  two  madmen  had 
lately  died.  It  is  mentioned  that  she  had  been  con- 
fined, a  little  while  before,  in  a  cell  w^ith  an  insane 
w^oman.  The  magistrates  proposing  to  renew  the 
former  punishment,  one  of  their  number.  Colonel 
Wheat,  zealously  opposed  it,  and  told  the  mayor 
"  they  might  as  well  have  whipped  the  woman  of 
Samaria,  w^ho  brought  good  tidings  into  the  town.'* 
The  accounts  given  of  Katherine  Evans  present  us 
with  a  succession  of  cruel  treatment,  including  im- 
prisonments in  Bristol,  Ilchester,  and  elsewhere. 
It  was  she  who,  in  company  with  Sarah  Cheevers,  a 


tanner's  lectures. 


117 


Wiltshire  Friend,  being  on  a  religious  visit  in  the 
Mediterranean,  was  imprisoned  in  the  Inquisition, 
in  Malta,  in  1659,  where  they  endured  great  suffer- 
ing, for  three  years  and  a  half.  The  house  of  the 
Inquisition,  in  Malta,  has  now  been  rebuilt,  and  is 
used  as  a  guard-house  for  soldiers.  I  paid  a  visit  to 
it,  during  the  winter  of  1833-4,  which  I  spent  in 
that  island,  with  George  Waring;  but  could  not 
identify  any  part  of  the  premises  with  the  account 
given  in  Sewell's  history,  excepting  the  well,  in  the 
central  court  of  the  building,  to  which  the  poor 
prisoners  were  allowed  access  on  a  few  occasions. 
There  is  an  epistle,  from  Sarah  Cheevers,  from  the 
Inquisition,  in  Malta,  preserved  amongst  the  papers 
in  our  Quarterly  Meeting's  chest,  at  Bridgwater  — 
but  not  written,  as  I  have  heard  it  said,  by  means 
of  a  stick,  dipped  in  soot  and  water.  The  writing 
is  in  the  form  of  printed  letters,  and  might  have 
been  executed  with  any  pointed  instrument,  but  the 
ink  retains  its  original  blackness.  An  additional 
cause  of  sufiering  to  Friends  resident  in  country 
places,  was  the  severe  treatment  pursued  towards 
them  in  the  recovery  of  the  ecclesiastical  demands, 
which  thev  refused.  I  select  the  followino^  from 
among  many  such  cases  on  record,  as  having  oc- 
curred in  Somersetshire,  during  the  Commonwealth. 
As  Henry  Gundry,  a  husbandman,  of  Street,  was 
driving  his  oxen,  he  was  arrested  at  the  suit  of  a 


118 


tanner's  lectures. 


tithe-farmer.  The  bailiffs  beat  and  abused  him,  and 
hurried  him  away  to  Ilchester  jail,  without  permit- 
ting him  to  speak  to  his  wife  or  any  of  his  friends. 
He  continued  a  prisoner  above  fourteen  months. 
William  Sergeant,  of  Bathford,  had  suffered  ten 
months'  imprisonment  for  tithes,  when  the  prose- 
cutor entered  another  action  against  him  and  his 
wife,  and  in  the  time  of  harvest,  when  the  indus- 
trious woman  was  taking  care  of  their  corn,  arrested 
and  sent  her  also  to  prison.  They  had  two  trusty 
servants,  who  diligently  followed  the  harvest  work ; 
but  they  also  were  imprisoned;  and,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  kind  interest  of  some  of  their  neigh- 
bours, the  corn  w^ould  have  been  left  unhoused. 
This  would  not  however  have  mattered  much  to 
the  poor  man  himself,  for,  after  twenty  months* 
imprisonment,  he  died  in  jail.  Another  imprison- 
ment for  tithes,  which  at  this  time  terminated  in 
death,  was  that  of  John  Comb.  At  Wellington, 
a  poor  journeyman  was  subpoenaed  in  the  Ex- 
chequer for  a  demand  of  two  pence  halfpenny. 
The  number  of  Friends  imprisoned  in  England 
during  the  Commonwealth,  is  stated  in  Knight's 
Pictorial  History  of  England,  to  have  been  3173, 
and  of  deaths  in  prison,  32. 

The  events  of  the  first  year  of  Charles  the  Se- 
cond's reign  (1660)  served  to  convince  our  Friends 
that  there  was  no  dependence  to  be  placed  on  his 


tanner's  lectures. 


119 


declaration  from  Breda,  as  to  the  liberty  which  he 
would  grant  to  tender  consciences.  In  this  one 
year  upwards  of  4000,  and  one  account  says  5000, 
Friends  were  imprisoned,  chiefly  in  connexion  with 
a  proclamation  issued  by  the  King  against  their 
meetings :  an  excuse  for  which  was  furnished  by  the 
rising  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men.  Of  this  number, 
212,  imprisoned  at  Ilchester,  were  shamefully  used 
by  the  keeper.  Their  friends  were  not  allowed  to 
bring  them  food  or  bedding :  many  were  thrust  into 
wretched  apartments,  and  not  allowed  the  use  of 
straw  to  lie  on.  In  Bristol  65  persons  assembled  at 
Dennis  Hollister's  house  were  carried  off  to  prison, 
and  a  like  number  the  following  week,  making  in 
all  about  190  prisoners  in  Bristol.  D.  Hollister  and 
G.  Bishop,  being  summoned  before  the  Mayor, 
arguments  were  used  to  dissuade,  and  threats  to 
terrify  them  from  meeting :  but  they  answered  with 
Christian  courage  and  freedom  that  they  thought  it 
their  duty  to  meet  in  obedience  to  the  requiriogs  of 
the  Lord,  whom  they  ought  to  obey  rather  than 
man :  and  that  they  might  as  well  think  to  hinder 
the  sun  from  rising,  and  the  tide  from  flowing,  as 
to  think  to  hinder  the  Lord's  people  from  meet- 
ing to  wait  upon  Him,  w^hilst  but  two  of  them  were 
left  together.  They  were  sent  to  join  their  brethren 
in  prison :  but  happily  a  speedy  liberation  was  ob- 
tained for  those  who  were  subjected  to  this  impri- 


120 


tanner's  lectures. 


sonment,  through  the  unwearied  intercession  of 
Margaret  Fell  with  the  King.  The  spirit  of  perse- 
cution having  now  become  rampant,  there  was  no 
difficulty  in  obtaining  legal  sanction  for  the  severest 
measures.  The  laws  passed  in  the  reigns  of  Eliza- 
beth and  James  I.  against  popish  recusants,  were 
now  turned  against  Protestant  Dissenters.  By  one 
of  the  acts  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  £20  per  month 
might  be  imposed  for  neglecting  the  attendance  of 
the  parish  church ;  and  by  another  of  these  acts, 
the  neglect  of  such  attendance,  and  the  going  to 
conventicles,  was  made  a  ground  of  imprisonment, 
and,  if  persisted  in,  declared  to  be  felony.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  rigour  of  these  and  other  old  laws,  the 
power  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  was  restored  under 
Charles  11. ;  and,  under  writs  of  excommunication, 
multitudes  of  Friends  and  others  were  committed 
to  prison.  And  yet  all  these  destructive  powers 
were  judged  insufficient,  and  one  act  after  another 
was  passed  in  this  intolerant  reign,  with  the  design 
of  restricting  religious  liberty  still  further.  One  of 
these  measures,  passed  in  1662,  was  against  the  re- 
fusal to  swear;  and  prohibiting  as  many  as  five  of 
the  people  called  Quakers  from  meeting  together. 
It  prescribed  transportation  for  the  third  oiFence. 
The  Act  of  Banishment,  as  it  was  called,  was  passed 
in  1664.  It  made  seven  years'  transportation  the 
punishment  for  the  third  offence  of  attending  con- 


tanner's  lectures.  121 

venticles.  The  goods  of  the  prisoners  were  to  be 
sold,  and  the  profits  of  lands  sequestered,  to  defray 
the  charges  of  transportation.  A  third,  which  was 
called  the  Conventicles  Act,  prescribed  fines  of  £20 
on  the  preacher,  X40  for  the  second  oftence,  and 
.£20  on  the  house.  Of  these  fines  one-third  be- 
longed to  the  King,  one-third  to  the  informers,  and 
one-third  to  the  poor  of  the  parish  :  but  it  was 
remarked  by  one  who  had  witnessed  the  operation 
of  this  measure,  that  the  Justices  and  informers  be- 
ing commonly  poor  themselves,  kept  the  poor's  part 
and  the  King's  too.  It  may  easily  be  imagined 
what  would  be  the  operation  of  such  a  measure  in 
an  age  which  stands  disgraced,  beyond  most  others, 
by  the  manner  in  which  informers  plied  their 
wretched  trade.  By  far  the  largest  portion  of  the  suf- 
fering which  befell  Friends  in  this  reign,  arose  from 
the  attendance  of  meetings,  and  the  refusal  to  swear. 
Their  testimony  against  oaths  involved  them  also  in 
various  civil  disabilities.  In  Bristol,  and  other  cor- 
porate towns  and  cities,  young  men  who  had  served 
their  apprenticeship  were  prevented  from  following 
the  trade  they  had  learnt,  because  their  refusal  to 
swear  was  a  bar  to  their  taking  up  the  freedom  of 
the  city.  Others  were  precluded  from  recovering 
their  just  debts;  from  defending  themselves  against 
unjust  actions,  proving  wills,  and  administering  to 
estates ;  and  from  maintaining  their  civil  rights  in 
11 


122 


TANNEll'S  LECTURES. 


various  ways.  A  Somersetshire  Friend,  who  sought 
redress  against  a  highwayman,  was  himself  detained 
as  a  prisoner  for  refusing  to  swear,  the  robber  being 
allowed  to  go  free. 

The  trials  of  George  Bishop,  Edward  Pyot,  and 
others,  which  took  place  in  Bristol,  in  1663,  afford 
instances  of  juries  refusing  to  shape  their  verdicts 
in  terms  such  as  the  bench  would  have  dictated ; 
and  of  the  determination  of  the  latter  to  convict 
the  prisoners  notwithstanding.  The  mayoralty  of 
John  (afterwards  Sir  John)  Knight,  which  com- 
menced the  latter  part  of  this  year,  was  a  period  of 
bitter  suffering  to  Friends  in  Bristol.  The  crowded 
and  loathsome  state  of  the  prisons  was,  as  Besse 
remarks,  very  hard  to  women  of  substance  and 
credit,  accustomed  to  live  nesLtly.  Three  of  their 
number  died  in  consequence  of  the  treatment  to 
which  they  were  subjected.  It  was  well  indeed,  not 
only  for  Friends,  but  for  other  jN'onconformists,  who 
suffered  grievously  at  the  hands  of  Knight,  that  the 
tide  of  public  opinion  was  now  turned,  for  a  time, 
against  his  inhuman  proceedings.  He  was  very 
active  in  his  place  in  Parliament,  in  1664,  in  pro- 
curing the  passing  of  the  Act  of  Banishment :  and 
he  was  heard  to  say,  that  he  hoped  to  send  400 
Quakers  out  of  the  land  before  the  expiration  of  his 
mayoralty.  He  had  so  far  made  progress  towards 
the  attainment  of  his  object,  that  he  had  committed 


tanner's  lectures. 


123 


a  large  number  to  prison  under  this  act:  but  he  had 
only  succeeded  in  condemniug  three  to  transporta- 
tion, when  his  term  of  office  expired.  These  three 
having  been  placed  on  shipboard,  were  put  on  shore 
again  by  the  sailors,  seven  of  whom  signed  a  certifi- 
cate to  the  effect  that  they  neither  could  nor  would 
be  parties  to  this  wicked  proceeding.  It  is  a  re- 
markable circumstance,  that  this  Act  of  Banishment, 
which  was  a  cause  of  great  suffering  to  Friends  in 
other  places,  should  have  been  productive  of  so  small 
a  result  in  a  place  like  Bristol,  which  seems  to  have 
been  rather  notorious  for  the  practices  of  kidnapping 
and  illegal  transportation.  It  is  mentioned  by 
Fuller  that,  in  the  year  1666,  the  prevalence  of  the 
plague  in  Bristol,  produced  a  great  effect  in  mode- 
rating the  fury  of  the  persecutors :  and  this  was  one 
of  the  years  in  which  Friends  suffered  compara- 
tively little. 

There  would  have  been  something  very  humiliat- 
ing to  a  conscientious  mind  in  the  terms  of  the  pro- 
clamation issued  by  Charles  II,  in  1672,  which 
states  that  it  was  "  evident,  from  the  sad  experience 
of  twelve  years,  that  there  was  very  little  fruit  from 
all  the  forcible  methods  which  had  been  employed 
against  the  Nonconformists."  The  object  of  that 
proclamation  was  to  suspend  all  the  measures  of 
persecution  then  in  force.  This  tardy  act  of  clemency 
appears  to  have  been  brought  about  at  the  interces- 


124 


tanner's  lectures. 


sion  of  George  Whitehead,  on  behalf  of  Friends. 
Other  Nonconformist  prisoners  applied  to  Friends 
on  this  occasion  to  include  their  case  with  their 
own,  to  which  the  latter  agreed,  as  appears  from 
our  records  at  Devonshire  House.  We  have  there 
the  deed  of  pardon,  granted  by  Charles  II.,  (with 
the  great  seal  attached.)  Among  other  names  of 
the  prisoners  thus  released,  is  that  of  John  Bunjan. 
This  relief  was,  however,  of  short  duration  :  the  pro- 
clamation was  recalled  in  the  following  year,  and 
persecution  was  renewed.  In  Bristol,  there  appears 
indeed  to  have  been,  comparatively  speaking,  a  lull 
in  the  storm,  which  lasted  till  about  the  year  1680, 
when  the  last  and  by  far  the  most  severe  of  these 
sad  outbreaks  commenced.  So  numerous  are  the 
details  given  of  the  sufferings  of  Friends  in  Bristol, 
in  1681,  2,  and  3,  that  there  is  great  difficulty  in 
making  a  condensed  statement  of  them.  Besse's 
account  of  them  extends  to  fourteen  folio  pages; 
and  lengthened  descriptions  are  also  inserted  in 
other  histories  of  persecution  at  that  period.^  Sir 
John  Knight,  who  served  the  office  of  Sheriff  in 
one  of  these  years,  was  again  the  chief  agent  in 

1  Some  of  the  original  statements  from  which  these  accounts 
are  prepared  are  contained  in  a  number  of  pamphlets  published 
at  the  time,  and  are  verified  both  by  Friends  themselves,  and  by 
some  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Francis  Fry  has  kindly  lent  me 
a  number  of  these  pamphlets,  which  are  contained  in  his 
collection. 


tanner's  lectures.  125 

the  atrocities  committed ;  and  he  found  willing  ac- 
complices in  Helliar,  an  unprincipled  attorney,  and 
Ealph  Olive,  an  Alderman  of  the  city,  of  whom 
Fuller  gives  a  bad  account,  in  his  History  of  Dissent 
in  Bristol.  These  leaders  of  the  persecution  found 
no  difficulty  in  engaging  the  services  of  hungry  in- 
formers, who  were  ever  ready  to  attend  to  their  in- 
structions. The  first  outrages  committed  w^ere 
upon  the  meeting-houses  at  the  Friars  and  in 
Temple  Street.  These  were  damaged  to  the  extent 
of  X150  in  value,  by  the  tearing  down  of  galleries, 
&c. :  and  under  the  pretence  of  levying  sums  of 
money  on  the  houses  for  the  non-payment  of  rates 
which  had  not  been  legally  imposed  on  them  in 
support  of  the  trained  bands,  they  took  possession 
of  the  buildings,  and  nailed  up  the  doors.  Then 
followed  a  long  series  of  brutal  assaults  on  men, 
women,  and  children,  as  they  walked  the  streets. 
Private  committals  to  prison,  and  private  distraints 
of  goods,  were  carried  on  to  a  large  extent  by  these 
men,  despite  the  remonstrances  and  counter-orders 
of  Knight's  colleague,  of  the  Mayor,  Sir  Thomas 
Earle,  and  others  of  the  magistrates.  Friends 
themselves  remonstrated;  and  a  declaration  was 
published  by  some  of  their  fellows-citizens,  setting 
forth  their  cruel  wrongs,  and  the  danger  resulting 
to  their  health  and  lives  from  the  crowded  and 
noisome  state  of  the  prisons.  Two  Friends  of  Bris- 
11* 


126 


tanner's  lectukes. 


tol  took  a  journey  to  London,  and  were  successful 
in  their  application  to  government  for  an  order  to 
be  sent  to  the  magistrates  to  allow  better  accommo- 
dation to  the  prisoners.  The  effect  produced  by 
this  order  was,  however,  very  partial  and  transient. 
A  memorial,  signed  by  several  physicians,  was  next 
presented  to  the  magistrates,  in  which  they  repre- 
sented the  crowding  and  unwholesomeness  of  the 
jails  to  be  such,  that  the  prisoners  were  in  great 
danger  of  suffocation,  and  that  a  liability  existed 
of  infectious  disease,  such  as  would  endanger  the 
lives  of  many  others  beside  the  prisoners  themselves. 
That  too  was  disregarded.  The  constancy  of  these 
poor  prisoners,  in  sitting  down  together  to  worship 
God,  was  made  a  fresh  occasion  of  cruel  wrong, 
and  of  outrageous  personal  violence.  One  who 
ventured  to  speak  a  few  words  of  exhortation,  on 
one  of  these  occasions,  w^as  thrown  headlong,  back- 
ward, down  stairs ;  and  another  was  put  in  irons, 
into  the  west  house  or  dungeon,  into  which  numbers 
were  thrust  from  time  to  time.  The  permission 
usually  granted  to  felons  placed  in  this  dungeon, 
of  coming  out  for  change  of  air  by  day,  was  not 
always  granted  them — and  it  was  so  dark,  that  they 
were  dependent  on  the  light  of  candles. 

On  one  of  the  occasions  of  the  Quarter  Sessions, 
the  magistrates  showed  their  good  will  to  the 
prisoners  by  liberating  the  greater  part,  on  their 


TA^'^'ER'S  LECTURES 


127 


promising  to  appear  at  the  next  Sessions.  But  this 
only  served  as  an  occasion  for  fresh  outrages  on 
the  part  of  Knight  and  Helliar.  The  meeting- 
houses being  again  opened,  some  \Yere  carried  off 
to  prison  from  one  of  the  meetings,  and  the  rest 
of  the  company  nailed  up  in  the  house  for  six 
hours.  The  work  of  imprisonment  proceeded  till 
most  of  the  men  were  again  committed ;  and  then, 
because  the  women  kept  up  the  meetings,  they  too 
were  sent  to  jail ;  so  that  at  length  there  remained 
few  but  children  to  meet  tosrether.  "  These  child- 
ren,"  says  Gough,  "after  the  example  of  their 
parents  now  in  confinement,  kept  up  their  meetings 
regularly,  with  much  gravity  and  composure :  it 
was  surprising  to  see  the  manly  courage  and  con- 
stancy with  which  some  of  the  boys  behaved,  un- 
dergoing many  abuses  with  patience.  Although 
their  age  exempted  them  from  the  lash  of  the  law, 
yet  even  the  state  of  minority  could  not  rescue 
them  from  the  furious  assaults  of  these  callous  in- 
formers." Several  of  them  were  put  in  the  stocks 
on  more  than  one  occasion.  They  were  unmerci- 
fully beaten  with  twisted  whalebone  sticks.  Helliar 
sent  eleven  boys  and  four  girls  to  Bridewell ;  next 
day  they  were  brought  before  the  Deputy  Mayor ; 
they  were  cajoled  and  threatened  to  make  them  for- 
bear their  meetings,  but  the  children  were  immove- 
able.   They  were  sent  back  to  Bridewell ;  and  Ilel- 


128 


tanner's  lectures. 


liar,  to  terrify  them,  charged  the  keeper  to  procure 
a  new  cat-of-nine-tails  against  next  morning.  ]^ext 
day  he  urged  the  justices  to  have  them  corrected, 
but  could  not  prevail.  So  many  were  at  length  im- 
prisoned, that  there  was  no  more  room  in  the  jails. 

John  Whiting,  a  Friend  of  Nailsea,  who  went 
repeatedly  to  visit  the  prisoners,  says,  that  on  his 
remarking  on  the  crowded  state  of  the  prison,  one 
of  them,  Margaret  Heal,  replied,  Ay,  we  are  full 
freight,  ready  to  set  sail  the  first  fair  wind,"  as  she 
and  some  others  did  upon  the  ocean  of  eternity,  not 
long  after :  four  other  prisoners,  two  men  and  two 
women,  dying  also  from  sufibcation.  By  their 
cruel  proceedings,  many  families  were  ruined  in 
their  circumstances.  Their  goods  were  continually 
taken  away  for  attending  meetings;  and  to  those 
who  were  thought  to  be  men  of  good  estate,  the 
oath  of  allegiance  was  tendered,  in  order  to  bring 
them  under  the  sentence  of  "premunire,"  (which 
involved  the  confiscation  of  a  man's  whole  property, 
the  loss  of  the  King's  protection,  and  imprisonment 
during  his  pleasure.)  It  seems  probable  that  the 
edge  of  this  persecution  was  sharpened  by  the  cir- 
cumstance of  some  Friends  having  ventured  to 
give  their  votes  at  the  election  of  members  of  Par- 
liament, to  the  advocates  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty ;  and  hints  are  said  to  have  been  given  to 
Friends  in  London,  who  applied  to  the  Court  on 


tanner's  lectures.  129 

behalf  of  their  suiFering  brethren  in  Bristol,  "  that 
if  Mr.  Penn  or  Mr.  Whitehead  would  undertake  for 
the  Quakers  that  they  should  not  vote  for  the  par- 
haraent  men,  there  should  be  no  further  persecution 
of  them."  The  cruelty  of  the  jailers,  both  in  New- 
gate and  Bridewell,  especially  that  of  Isaac  Dennis, 
the  keeper  of  Newgate,  tended  greatly  to  aggravate 
the  suffering  of  the  prisoners.  Some  of  the  prisoners 
desired  to  work  for  their  support,  but  he  would  not 
allow  them  to  do  so.  A  blind  man,  nearly  ninety 
years  of  age,  was  obliged  to  sit  up  in  a  chair  for 
three  nights.  The  spotted  fever  made  its  appearance 
and  several  died.  To  the  sick  Dennis  behaved 
with  great  inhumanity,  and  he  interfered  to  prevent 
those  who  had  not  taken  the  complaint  from  going 
out  for  change  of  air.  But  this  poor  man,  Dennis, 
was  soon  placed  in  circumstances  more  painful  than 
those  of  his  prisoners.  Being  taken  ill  himself,  he 
had  to  endure  great  anguish  of  mind;  and  expressed 
a  wish  that  he  "  had  never  seen  the  inside  of  a  jail, 
for  it  had  undone  him."  On  his  asking  forgiveness 
of  Friends  for  the  wrongs  he  had  done  them,  they 
told  him  they  "  did  forgive  him,  but  he  should  ask 
forgiveness  of  God."  The  physicians  ordering  him 
to  be  bled,  he  said,  that  '-none  of  their  prescriptions 
would  do  him  any  good,  his  distemper  being  beyond 
their  reach ;  his  day  was  over,  and  there  was  no 
hope  of  mercy  from  God  for  him."    In  the  account 

I 


130 


tanner's  lectures. 


given  by  some  of  the  Friends  in  prison,  who  had 
access  to  him,  they  say,  "and  seeing  him  in  this 
woful  condition,  our  hearts  did  pity  him,  and  de- 
sired, if  the  will  of  the  Lord  was  so,  he  might  find 
a  place  of  repentance ;  and  we  used  such  arguments, 
as  in  our  Christian  tenderness  we  thought  best  to 
persuade  him  out  of  his  hardness  of  heart  and  un- 
belief ;  and  one  of  us  said  unto  him,  that '  we  hoped 
his  day  was  not  over,  seeing  that  he  was  so  fully 
sensible  of  his  condition.'  To  which  he  replied,  '  I 
thank  you  for  your  good  hope ;  but  I  have  no  faith 
to  believe  ;  faith  is  the  gift  of  God.'  Whatever  was 
spoken  to  relieve  him,  gave  him  no  ease;  but 
languishing  in  all  the  anxiety  of  despair  for  about 
a  month,  he  died."  It  would  be  easy  to  add  to  this 
sad  case  the  narratives  of  others,  which  occurred  in 
this  part  of  the  country,  in  which  a  righteous  retri- 
bution seemed  as  if  it  was  awarded  to  the  persecutors 
before  the  close  of  life ;  but  I  feel  so  much  the  force 
of  the  poet's  words, 

"Let  not  this  weak,  and  erring  hand,  presume  Thy  bolts  to 
throw," 

that  I  prefer  to  speak  of  them  only  as  cases  w^liich 
bore  witness  to  the  truth  that  "  the  way  of  trans- 
gressors is  hard."  The  last  days  of  Helliar  and 
Olive  were  similar  to  those  of  Dennis,  and  Sir 
John  Knight  was  himself  subsequently  confined  in 


tanner's  lectures. 


131 


Kevvgate.  The  rigorous  character  of  the  proceed- 
ings against  the  property  of  Friends  in  Bristol,  may 
be  judged  of  from  the  fact,  that  the  fines  imposed 
on  them  in  1683,  for  the  non-attendance  of  the  na- 
tional worship,  under  the  35th  Elizabeth,  amounted 
to  the  enormous  sum  of  X16,440.^  There  seems  no 
means  however  of  ascertaining  to  what  extent  this 
sum  was  actually  levied.  A  great  effort  was  made 
by  Knight  and  Helliar  to  put  in  execution  the 
sentence  of  death,  awarded  by  this  act  of  Elizabeth, 
ou  those  who  should  refuse  to  conform  or  to  abjure 
the  realm,  in  the  case  of  Richard  Vickris,  son  of 
Alderman  Vickris,  of  Chew  Magna;  and  the  sen- 
tence was  actually  pronounced  upon  him,  by  Sir 
John  Churchill,  of  Churchill,  the  Recorder.^  As 
the  time  of  execution  was  drawing  on,  his  wife 
went  to  London,  and  was  there  enabled  through 
the  favour  of  the  Duke  of  York,  to  obtain  the  issue 
of  a  writ  of  error,  by  which  her  husband  was 
brought  to  the  bar  of  the  King's  Bench,  and  there 
liberated  by  the  Chief  Justice  Jefferies.  "  Few  so 
bad,"  remarks  J.  Whiting,  "but  they  may  do  some 
good  acts."    Richard  Vickris  returned  home,  says 

1  Besse's  Suflferings,  Vol.  I.,  p.  70. 

^  Alderman  Vickris,  who  had  himself  been  a  persecutor  of 
Friends,  built  the  house  at  Chew,  in  which  William  Adlam  now 
resides ;  and  it  became  the  residence  of  Richard  Vickris  after 
iLis  father's  death. 


132 


tanner's  lectures. 


the  same  Friend,  in  the  ninth  month,  1684,  "  to  the 
great  joy  of  his  aged  father,  his  distressed  wife  and 
family,  and  his  friends  throughout  the  nation.  His 
father  lived  to  see  him  after  his  discharge,  hut  did 
not  long  survive  it,  living  but  three  days  after  he 
came  home  —  by  whose  death  and  will,  his  house 
and  estate  at  Chew  fell  to  his  only  son,  Eichard, 
who  soon  after  came  with  his  family,  and  settled 
there,  to  Friends'  comfort  and  satisfaction." 

About  100  Friends  continued  prisoners  in  Bris- 
tol, until  the  accession  of  James  II.,  in  1685,  when 
they  formed  part  of  the  large  number  (about  1,500) 
who  were  liberated  on  the  King's  warrant.  Mars- 
den  seems  to  me  to  have  done  an  unintentional 
wrong  to  Friends,  in  representing  them  as  the  only 
Dissenters  who  chose  to  accept  a  benefit  conferred 
by  James,  through  the  exercise  of  "  the  dispensing 
power,"  by  which  he  sought  to  bear  absolute  sway. 
He  says,  "  the  ^Nonconformists  in  general  declined 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  indulgence,  choosing 
rather  to  suffer  injustice,  than  to  obtain  relief  at 
the  cost  of  the  Protestant  cause,  and  that  of  the 
Church  of  England."^  If  Macaulay's  account  of 
these  proceedings  is  to  be  trusted,  (and  it  is  not 
often  that  he  shows  a  disposition  to  favour  the  poor 
Quakers)  the  Nonconformists  failed  to  obtain  relief, 
in  the  early  part  of  James  II.'s  reign,  not  because 

1  "Dictionary  of  Christian  Sects/'  (p.  446.) 


tanner's  lectures. 


133 


they  would  not  accept  it,  but  because  it  was  not 
offered  to  tliem.  He  adduces  various  reasons  for 
the  peculiar  indulgence  shown  to  Friends,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  motive,  which  was  no  doubt  uppermost 
with  James,  of  assisting  his  Roman  Catholic  sub- 
jects, by  uniting  them  with  Friends,  in  the  tolera- 
tion which  he  extended.  Other  bodies  of  Dissenters 
had  certainly  not  been  backward  in  obtaining  relief 
in  Charles  II.'s  reign,  by  means  of  a  similar  pro- 
clamation to  that  which  James  now  issued. 

The  charge  of  obstinacy  sometimes  brought 
against  the  early  Friends,  would,  as  it  seems  to  me, 
have  been  borne  out,  if  when  their  prison  doors 
were  thrown  open  by  the  King's  orders,  they  had 
refused  to  come  out,  until  they  could  be  satisfied 
that  he  was  not  infringing  his  prerogative.  As  far 
as  Bristol  is  concerned,  it  does  not  appear  from 
Fuller's  history  of  Dissent  in  Bristol,  that  any  Non- 
conformist persecution  took  place  in  James  II.'s 
reign. ^ 

^  Of  the  Dissenters  liberated  in  the  latter  part  of  James  II.'s 
reign,  many  refused  to  send  an  address  of  thanks  to  the  King, 
as  Friends  had  done  ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  Friends' 
liberation  took  place  before  the  King's  designs  were  fully  de- 
veloped ;  and  though  an  undue  confidence  in  James's  sincerity, 
on  the  part  of  AYilliam  Penn,  may  have  had  something  to  do 
with  the  gratitude  expressed  in  Friends'  address;  we  may  say 
with  Sir  James  Macintosh  "It  cannot  be  doubted  that  he  be- 
lieved the  King's  object  to  be  universal  liberty  in  religion,  and 
12 


134 


tanner's  lectures. 


I  must  now  devote  a  short  space  to  the  concluding 
history  of  the  Somersetshire  persecution.  One  of 
the  most  interesting  and  trustworthy  accounts  of 
the  sufferings  of  Friends  in  that  county,  is  given  by 
John  Whiting,  of  JSTailsea,  in  a  book  entitled  "Per- 
secution Exposed,"  from  which  I  have  given  more 
than  one  quotation.  He  was  an  eyewitness  of  many 
of  the  events  described ;  and  he  suffered  a  seven 
years'  imprisonment  himself,  at  Ilchester.  During 
a  part  of  this  time  he  was  kindly  treated,  and  even 
allowed  to  go  home  for  short  intervals ;  but  at  other 
times  his  treatment  was  very  severe.  On  one  occa- 
sion he  was  made  to  lodge  in  the  dungeon,  called 
Doctors'  Commons,  where  condemned  prisoners 
were  commonly  confined.  He  says,  "I  lay  upon 
straw,  on  a  damp  earthen  floor,  which  seemed 
somewhat  hard,  not  having  been  used  to  such  lodg- 
ing ;  but  one  day,  as  I  was  walking  in  the  court  of 
the  prison,  with  my  mind  retired  to  the  Lord,  it 
arose  in  my  heart,  ^give  up,'  which  took  impression 
on  my  mind,  so  that  I  gave  up  to  suffer  patiently, 
and  leave  my  cause  to  the  Lord,  being  resigned  to 
His  will,  and  as  I  was  freely  given  up,  way  was 
made  for  my  deliverance,  near  about  this  very  time. 
Oh  the  peace  that  I  had  in  my  bosom  !    The  Lord 

nothing  further."  It  should  be  remembered,  also,  that  the 
Parliament  had  passed  resolutions  in  1681,  condemning  the 
persecution  of  Protestant  Dissenters  which  was  taking  place. 


tanner's  lectures. 


135 


was  wonderfully  with  me,  and  gave  me  as  it  were  a 
song  in  the  night.  *  *  *  j  could  often  even  sing, 
as  Paul  and  Silas  did  in  the  stocks ;  and  could  say 
with  the  Psalmist, '  His  statutes  have  been  my  songs 
in  the  house  of  my  pilgrimage.'  "  The  year  before 
his  release,  he,  and  his  friend,  John  Hipsley,  were 
hand-bolted  together,  and  could  only  pull  off"  their 
coats  at  night  from  one  arm.  In  this  condition 
they  were  kept  in  a  close  room  in  summer,  among 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  men,  with  nothing  to  lie 
on  but  straw.  They  were  in  danger  too  from  small 
pox,  and  had  a  fever  patient  by  their  side.  The 
same  magistrate  who  committed  John  Whiting,  had 
on  one  occasion  disturbed  the  meeting  at  Claver- 
ham,  whilst  Charles  Marshall  was  praying,  pulling 
him  down  between  the  gallery  rails,  by  which  he 
was  seriously  injured. 

Friends  of  Chew  were  inhumanly  treated  on  one 
occasion,  by  Helliar,  of  Bristol,  who  fell  upon  them, 
and  beat  them,  as  they  were  sitting  in  their  meet- 
ing, as  he  had  been  used  to  do  to  their  brethren  in 
Bristol.  Twenty-seven  were  apprehended,  and  six- 
teen sent  to  prison.  Helliar  was  with  difficulty  re- 
strained from  burning  the  house,  and  actually  caused 
-  the  seats  to  be  carried  out  and  burnt. 

Although  I  have  been  obhged  by  want  of  space 
and  time  to  give  up  the  intention  of  including 
Gloucestershire  in  this  sketch,  I  do  not  like  to  omit 


136 


tanner's  lectures. 


the  mention  of  an  outrage  committed  at  Frencliay 
meeting  on  one  occasion,  at  which  time  the  Friends 
present  at  the  meeting  were  shamefully  beaten  and 
ill  used,  and  great  injury  was  done  to  the  seats  of 
the  meeting-house.  It  was  mentioned  to  me  by  the 
late  Jacob  Player  Sturge,  with  whom  I  had  some 
long  and  interesting  conversations  on  the  subject  of 
these  Lectures,  during  his  last  illness.  He  said  he 
remembered  seeing  some  of  the  seats  w^hich  were 
injured  at  that  time,  in  the  old  meeting-house,  at 
Frenchay ;  and  he  was  present  many  years  ago  at  a 
Quarterly  Meeting  there,  at  w^hich  it  was  proposed 
to  build  a  new  house.  Matthew  Wright,  of  Bristol, 
who  was  present,  pointed  to  these  damaged  seats, 
and  intimated  that  an  ancestor  of  his  own  had  been 
concerned  in  the  outrage ;  and  that  he  w^ould  give 
Friends  £100  toward  the  new  house. 

The  loss  of  goods,  and  the  time  spent  in  prison, 
fell  with  peculiar  severity  on  many  persons  in  low 
circumstances,  who  had  united  themselves  with  the 
Society.  Among  the  cases  of  imprisonment  men- 
tioned in  Somersetshire  are  those  of  a  widow, 
nearly  one  hundred  years  of  age ;  of  several  other 
widow^s  and  poor  persons,  imprisoned  for  demands 
of  a  few  shillings  (one  for  eight  j^ears) ;  of  a  widow, 
w^ith  six  children,  carrying  her  infant  to  prison  ;  and 
of  labouring  men,  leaving  wives  and  families  at 
home.    The  havock  of  goods  often  included  the 


tanner's  lectures.  137 

loss  of  all  the  household  furniture ;  the  very  beds 
OQ  which  the  sick  lay  being  taken  from  under  them. 
No  circumstances  of  affliction  seemed  to  be  regarded 
as  a  bar  to  these  cruel  proceedings.  "We  read  of  a 
corpse  being  taken  away  from  a  funeral  company 
by  a  parish  priest,  and  afterwards  buried  in  the  un- 
consecrated  ground  of  the  churchyard ;  the  pretext 
being  a  demand  of  6s.  Sd.  for  allowing  the  proces- 
sion to  pass  through  his  parish.  In  another  case  a 
widow  had  two  cows  taken  from  her,  worth  <£9,  for 
having  been  present  at  her  husband's  funeral ;  and 
others,  who  attended  on  that  occasion  were  dis- 
trained upon  to  the  value  of  £82.  Great  unfair- 
ness was  often  practised  in  the  manner  in  which 
legal  proceedings  were  carried  on.  John  Clark,  of 
Grenton,  was  outlawed  for  having  failed  to  appear 
in  answer  to  summonses  w^hich  he  had  not  received  ; 
and  an  aged  cripple  was  imprisoned  for  not  appear- 
ing in  London  the  day  after  he  had  received  a  sum- 
mons from  the  Exchequer  Court.  The  total  loss  of 
Friends  in  Somersetshire,  from  distraints  under  the 
Conventicle  Act,  is  estimated  by  John  "Whiting  at 
X3000,  and  in  the  country  at  large  at  .£100,000. 
Various  statements  have  been  put  forth  in  regard  to 
the  total  number  of  Friends  imprisoned  in  England 
and  Wales,  and  of  the  deaths  which  occurred  in 
prison,  some  of  which  are  doubtless  exaggerated. 
John  Whiting  quotes  a  statement,  as  having  been 
12* 


138 


tanner's  lectures. 


presented  by  Frieuds  to  the  Bishops  aud  Clergy, 
that  12,316  Friends  had  been  imprisoned,  and  that 
321  had  died  in  prison,  from  1660  to  1685;  and 
these  numbers,  added  to  those  before  given  under 
the  Commonwealth,  amount  to  15,489  imprison- 
ments, and  353  deaths  in  prison.  A  paper  con- 
tained in  a  valuable  collection  of  manuscripts  which 
has  been  kindly  lent  me  by  James  Dix,  gives  an 
account  of  929  Frieuds  imprisoned  in  Somerset- 
shire, and  of  33  having  died  in  prison :  but  it  is  not 
clear  w^hether  this  includes  the  whole  period  of  the 
persecution.^  This  paper,  attested  by  Jasper  Batt, 
shows  J.  "W.'s  estimate  of  <£3000  distrained,  to  have 
been  Avithin  the  mark.  Even  if  the  number  of 
deaths  which  occurred  in  prison  could  be  precisely 
fixed,  we  should  be  unable  to  estimate  the  total  loss 
of  life,  many  having  died  soon  after  leaving  prison, 
in  consequence  of  the  privation  they  had  endured, 
or  the  infection  to  which  they  had  been  exposed.  I 
must  restrict  myself  to  the  mention  of  but  a  few  of 
those  who  sealed  their  testimony  with  their  blood 
in  Ilchester  Prison.  John  Anderdon,  of  Bridg- 
water, has  been  already  mentioned  as  one  of  the 
earliest  members  of  the  Society  in  Somersetshire. 
He  was  a  learned  man,  and  having  had  the  benefit 
of  a  legal  training,  he  was  of  great  assistance  to 

^  The  statement  quoted  by  Colquhoun,  of  15,000  Friends 
having  been  imprisoned  in  Charles  the  Second's  reign,  and  of 
5000  having  died  in  prison,  is  no  doubt  incorrect. 


taxxer's  lectures. 


139 


others  in  this  time  of  persecution.  lie  suffered  in. 
all  about  twenty  years'  imprisonment,  and  died  a 
prisoner,  says  Whiting,  "  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus 
against  swearing."  He  adds,  ''He  was  carried  with 
an  honourable  attendance  to  Bridgwater  to  be  bu- 
ried." "He  was  an  able  minister  of  the  gospel  of 
Christ,  of  a  sound  judgment,  solid  weighty  testi- 
mony, and  grave  deportment.  ^  ^  ^  He  left  a 
good  report  and  savour  behind  him  in  the  town, 
and  among  all  that  knew^  him.  Of  whose  sincerity, 
zeal  for  God,  and  service  for  His  truth,  a  volume 
might  be  written."  Thomas  Budd  died  also  at 
Ilchester,  a  prisoner  eight  years ;  William  Hodges, 
six  years ;  John  Popple,  ten  years  ;  Lucy  Travers, 
an  aged  widow,  imprisoned  for  a  demand  of  two 
pence  (Easter  Ofterings) ;  and  Samuel  Clothier, 
more  than  ten  years.  There  was  another  member 
of  the  Clothier  family  imprisoned,  an  interesting 
relic  of  whose  confinement  is  now  in  the  possession 
of  his  descendant,  Celia  Clothier,  of  Street,  a  family 
Bible,  purchased  with  the  proceeds  of  his  labour 
when  in  prison.^ 

'  Among  other  deaths  at  Ilchester,  were  the  following:  — 


Henry  Gundry,  of  Street,  a 

prisoner  4  years. 

George  Ceely,  North  Curry, 

9  " 

Jeremiah  Powell, 

9  " 

James  Popple, 

John  Brice,  Burnham, 

John  Wride,  ** 

"     13  " 

140 


tanner's  lectures. 


The  only  other  case  I  must  mention,  is  one  in 
which  Friends  of  Bristol  seem  to  have  taken  a  deep 
interest  —  that  of  Thomas  Parsons,  of  Portshead. 
He  was  committed  to  prison  in  1670,  and  died 
about  three  months  after.  Besse  says  of  him,  "He 
w^as  a  faithful  and  valiant  man,  who  kept  his  house 
open  for  religious  meetings  in  the  most  dangerous 
times,  and  maintained  his  testimony  to  the  truth 
through  many  imprisonments  and  spoilings  of  his 
goods,  abiding  firm  unto  the  end,  and  finishing  his 
course  with  joy."  The  following  letter,  in  James 
Dix's  collection,  is  addressed  to  William  Rogers,  or 
Thomas  Gouldney,  of  Bristol,  by  Thomas  Parsons, 
during  his  last  imprisonment  at  Ilchester,  and  is  in 
reply  to  their  offer  to  take  charge  of  two  of  his 
sons ;  "  Dear  Friends, — I  received  yours  of  the  20th 
instant,  with  your  true  love  more  largely  expressed 
in  your  brother-like  proffer  than  formerly,  which  I 
most  obligingly  receive  and  accept.  And  although 
the  power  and  presence  of  the  Lord  gives  that  con- 
solation and  true  peace  which  the  world  cannot 
give,  nor  take  away,  which  is,  according  to  His 
promise,  an  hundred-fold  more  worth  than  all  that 
we  are  capable  of  losing,  or  forsaking,  for  His  sake ; 
yet  the  Lord  leaves  not  His  faithful  ones  here,  but 
fulfils  His  promise  in  taking  care  for  them,  even  in 
these  outward  concerns  of  the  world,  whereof  He 
seeth  His  to  stand  in  need,  everlasting  praises  to 


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141 


Ills  name,  with  perpetual  thankfulness  to  Ilim  for 
His  mercies  in  opening  the  hearts  of  you  His  in- 
struments of  compassion,  by  whose  bounty  I  now 
and  mine  do,  or  are  hke  to  partake  so  plentifully. 
Dear  Friends,  I  have  three  sons;  which  of  them 
you  will  please  to  choose,  I  shall  freely  commit 
them  to  you,  esteeming  it  mine  awd  their  greatest 
happiness  (here  in  this  world)  to  be  where  they  may 
receive  such  education,  that  neither  my  opportunity 
nor  ability  can  reach  to  give  them.  And  my  truest 
desire  to  the  Lord  is,  that  they  may,  in  all  sobriety 
and  diligence,  walk  worthy  of  the  Lord's  mercies 
and  your  favours.  I  know  not  how  the  Lord  will 
further  dispose  of  me,  but  I  bear  the  full  intention 
is  to  bring  me  under  a  praBmunire,  and  keep  me  a 
prisoner  during  my  life ;  and  strict  order  is  given  to 
the  keepers  not  to  give  me  liberty  to  see  my  home. 
Therefore  I  must  leave  this  business  to  you  and  my 
wife  to  do  as  you  think  meet,  to  which  we  both 
shall  thankfully  agree.  Our  Friends  of  the  meeting 
at  Long  Sutton  are  most  barbarously  used  this  last 
week.  Justice  Helier  putting  off  the  informers  (for 
which  they  threaten  him  for  his  £100)  they  went  to 
Wells,  and  the  Chancellor  and  Francis  Polet  granted 
them  w^arrants  to  distrain,  which  they  have  done,  leav- 
ing many  Friends  neither  meat,  drink,  bedding,  nor 
dish,  spoon,  nor  any  lumber ;  breaking  open  Friends* 
houses  that  be  here  prisoners,  to  look  for,  and  to 


142 


tanner's  lectures. 


search  for,  the  goods  of  some  [  ].  The 

Lord,  in  His  due  time,  will  put  an  end  to  this 
cruelty,  which  is  a  far  greater  burden  to  me  to  hear 
than  to  feeh  The  opportunity  of  sending  home  by 
one  of  our  Friends  here,  denieth  me  the  opportunity 
of  further  enlargement  at  present,  only  my  dear 
love  to  you  and  all  Friends,  as  you  have  freedom 
and  opportunity,  resting  in  haste,  your  faithful, 
obliged  friend,  Thomas  Parsons."  He  adds,  "I 
hear  that  my  brother  Knight  hath  been  troubled 
again  by  your  Parliament  Knight.  If  either  of 
your  leisures  will  permit,  I  should  desire  to  hear  the 
truth  of  it  by  the  next."  [Ko  date.]  Before  the 
discovery  of  this  admirable  letter,  I  had  been 
greatly  interested  by  the  following  minute  of  Bristol 
two  wrecks'  meeting,  relating  to  Thomas  Parsons's 
children,  dated  20th  of  first  month,  1671 Friends 
having  formerly  manifested  their  readiness  to  take 
a  fatherly  care,  as  to  education,  and  binding  appren- 
tice, two  of  Thomas  Parsons's  children,  now  a 
sufferer  in  Ilchester  jail,  Jane  Hods,  daughter  of 
the  said  Thomas  Parsons,  came  and  presented  to 
this  meeting  her  brothers  John  and  Samuel,  to 
whom  the  whole  meeting  manifested  their  tender 
love  and  regard ;  and  thereupon  ordered  Dennis 
Hollister  to  receive,  in  the  name  of  the  meeting, 
the  said  John  and  Samuel  from  the  hands  of  the 
said  Jane,  their  sister ;  and  to  acquaint  her  that  a 


tanner's  lectures. 


143 


due  and  fatherly  care  should  be  taken  of  them,  ac- 
cording to  what  had  been  signified,  by  order  of  this 
meeting,  to  their  father,  which  accordingly  was 
done,  and  the  two  children  immediately  committed, 
in  her  presence,  to  Susannah  Pearson  for  their  diet, 
at  £2  per  ann.  for  each  child." 

It  would  have  been  easy  to  multiply  extracts  from 
the  letters  of  the  poor  prisoners,  breathing  a  spirit 
of  meek  submission  and  of  cheerful  trust;  but  I 
must  content  myself  with  a  notice  of  two  of  these 
epistles.  The  following  are  extracts  from  that  which 
was  addressed  by  Friends  in  Xewgate,  (Bristol)  to 
the  yearly  meeting  in  London,  dated,  fourth  month, 
1685.  ^'  Dear  friends  and  brethren,  — This  being  a 
season  wherein  you  may  be  glad,  as  well  as  desirous 
to  see,  or  at  least  to  hear  from  one  another,  as 
fellow  members  of  that  living  body,  of  which 
Christ  Jesus  is  the  head,  we  thought  it  not  unreason- 
able that  you  might  hear  from  us,  who  though  still 
in  bonds,  yet  in  good  satisfaction,  knowing  that 
affliction  is  that  in  which  all  the  righteous  in  all 
ages,  ever  pass  to  God's  heavenly  kingdom." 
*  *  *  "  This  is  our  God ;  and  as  we  have  waited 
on  him,  he  hath  suffered  us  to  want  no  good  thing ; 
neither  hath  anything  seemed  hard  to  us  ;  insomuch, 
that  we  can  truly  say  to  God's  glory  only,  'It  is 
manifold  better  to  suffer  with  the  people  of  God, 
than  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  this  sinful  world.'  " 


141 


T  A  N  N  E  11 '  S  LECTURES. 


*  *  *  "  Dear  Friends  !  — In  your  approaches  to 
the  Lord,  pray  for  us.  Oh,  let  us  watch  and  pra}-, 
and  that  continually,  one  for  another,  that  God 
would  keep  us  faithful  by  His  divine  grace,  to  serve 
Him  in  meekness,  holy  fear,  and  innocency,  unto 
our  lives'  end.  This  hath  been  the  hope  and  end 
of  our  calling,  from  the  dark  w^ays  in  the  world,  to 
the  marvellous  light  of  Christ  Jesus,  which  hath 
shined  in  our  hearts,  through  which  we  have  seen 
the  way  of  life,  and  know  Him  who  is  the  truth, 
and  there  is  not  another.  God  enable  us  to  love 
Him  above  all,  and  to  cleave  to  Him  through  the 
loss  of  all.  "We  are  but  worms,  and  of  no  might: 
and  have  none  in  heaven  but  Him  alone,  nor  can 
desire  any."  *  *  *  "Praise  God  with  us,  for 
His  wonderful  goodness  in  preserving  our  health — 
a  work  to  a  wonder  (oh,  that  we  ever  may  be 
thankful  for  it !)  and  also  that  He  has  thus  made  us 
worthy  to  sufter  for  His  name's  sake  only.  We  are 
not  quite  an  hundred,  are  well,  and  in  good  con- 
tent, peace,  and  love,  and  want  nothing.  We  pray 
God  keep  you,  and  crown  your  assemblies  with  His 
ancient  glory.  —  Amen."  This  letter  is  signed  on 
behalf  of  themselves  and  the  other  prisoners  by 
Richard  Sneed,  Charles  Harford,  Charles  Jones, 
Paul  Moon. 

The  following  letter,  wTitten  in  the  same  year,  is 


tanner's  lectures. 


145 


from  Friends  in  prison  at  Ilchester:^  —  "Dearly 
beloved  Friends,  whom  the  Lord  hath  gathered  by 
His  everlasting  arm,  and  called  to  be  followers  of 
the  Lamb,  in  this  day  of  His  power,  wherein  it  is 
given  to  the  Lamb  and  His  followers  to  overcome : 
unto  you  all,  without  respect  of  persons,  the  saluta- 
tion of  our  endeared  love  freely  flows,  as  dear  com- 
panions and  followers  of  the  Lamb  with  you,  in  the 
many  trials,  tribulations,  and  exercises,  which  daily 
attend  us  in  this  our  journey  and  pilgrimage  towards 
that  inheritance  which  our  God  in  everlasting  love 
hath  prepared  for  us :  earnestly  desiring  and  be- 
seeching you,  that  you  always  have  the  principal 
regard  to  the  guiding  and  conduct  of  the  Captain 
of  our  salvation,  waiting  for  His  counsel  in  a  readi- 
ness to  answer  His  requirings ;  that  so  ye  may  be 
still  furnished  with  His  wisdom  and  power,  to  dis- 
cover and  withstand  all  the  wiles  and  temptations 
of  the  devil,  (who  works  in  a  mysterj',  and  takes 
many  in  his  snares  at  unawares,)  and  that  you  may 
always  feel  the  Lord's  work  to  prosper ;  that  so  all 
that  may  be  rooted  out  that  remains  within  you  that 

*  This  letter  has  been  kindly  copied  for  me  from  the  Somer- 
setshire Records  by  Thomas  Clark,  to  whom,  as  well  as  to  his 
niece,  Isabella  Metford,  and  to  Elizabeth  Payne,  J.  H.  Cotte- 
rell,  and  Alfred  and  S.  A.  Clark,  I  must  once  for  all  express 
my  great  obligation  for  the  assistance  they  have  rendered  me  in 
copying  minutes  and  manuscripts.  I  have  also  to  thank  several 
of  my  friends  for  the  loan  of  books. 
13  K 


146 


tanner's  lectures. 


would  join  with  the  enemy;  that  when  he  comes 
and  sifts,  he  may  find  nothing  in  you ;  and  then 
shall  w^e  none  of  us  any  more  be  shaken  in  our 
minds,  or  any  ways  be  taken  in  his  snare,  but  may 
remain  grounded,  rooted,  and  built  up  in  Him,  who 
is  the  Foundation  against  whom  the  gates  of  hell 
shall  never  prevail.  And  lastly,  that  Friends  in  all 
things  take  heed,  that  they  have  their  conversation 
in  the  simplicity  of  the  gospel  of  Christ;  and  care- 
fully to  avoid  the  vain  customs  and  fashions  of  this 
world,  and  take  up  the  cross  of  Christ;  and  be 
faithful  in  their  testimony  to  God's  everlasting 
truth ;  that  so  His  blessing  and  peace  may  be  with 
you  all  for  ever,  Amen.  And  now  as  for  us  w^ho 
are  prisoners  for  the  testimony  of  a  good  conscience, 
let  all  Friends  know  that  we  are  generally  w^ell ; 
and  the  Lord's  power  and  presence  is  daily  plenti- 
fully manifested  amongst  us,  to  the  great  refresh- 
ing and  glading  of  our  hearts ;  and  the  place  of  our 
close  restraint  made  to  us  a  safe  and  pleasant  habita- 
tion ;  glory,  honour,  and  praise  to  our  God  for  ever- 
more. Given  forth  by  order  and  advice  from  the 
late  Quarterly  Meeting,  held  at  Marston,  the  26th 
of  seventh  month,  1685,  from  the  prison  at  Ilches- 
ter."  -  This  epistle  is  signed  by  Jasper  Batt,  John 
Hipsley,  and  others,  and  appears  to  have  been  ad- 
dressed to  Friends  of  Somersetshire. 

In  the  brief  and  very  imperfect  sketch,  which  I 


tanner's  lectures. 


147 


have  now  giveo,  of  the  persecutions  of  our  Friends 
in  Bristol  and  Somersetshire,  and  to  which  I  maj" 
have  occasion  hereafter  to  refer,  nothing  has  been 
further  from  my  wish,  than  to  excite  feelings  of  in- 
dignation against  the  persecutors,  or  against  the 
political  or  religious  parties,  to  which  they  belonged. 
Surely  the  effect  should  rather  be,  to  lead  us  to 
magnify  the  grace,  by  which  so  many  were  enabled 
with  boldness,  and  yet  in  meekness,  to  confess  their 
Lord,  and  to  manifest  their  allegiance  to  Him,  not 
counting  their  lives  dear  unto  themselves,  so  that 
they  might  finish  their  course  with  joy.  Does  not 
their  example  also  call  loudly  upon  us  to  consider 
whether  the  foundation  on  which  we  ourselves  are 
building,  is  the  same  as  that  which  stood  so  firm 
beneath  them,  amidst  the  storms  of  trial  to  which 
they  were  exposed  ?  I  do  not  know  that  I  can  better 
close  the  present  Lecture,  than  by  quoting  the 
words  of  evangelical  consolation,  which  George 
Fox  addressed  to  his  fellow-sufferers,  during  this 
period  of  persecution  to  which  I  have  referred, 
somewhat  redundant  though  they  be.  They  are 
contained  in  Samuel  Tuke's  excellent  selection  from 
George  Fox's  Epistles,  a  book  which  deserves  to  be 
more  largely  read,  than  I  suppose  it  to  be.  This 
extract  is  given  at  p.  xi.  of  the  Introduction.  He 
says,  "If  the  world  do  hate  you,  it  hated  Christ, 
your  Lord  and  Master  also ;  if  they  do  mock,  and 


148 


tanjN'er's  lectures. 


reproaph,  and  defame,  and  biiftet  you,  they  did  so 
fo  your  Lord  and  Master  also ;  who  was,  and  is,  the 
Green  Tree,  that  gives  nourishment  to  all  His 
branches — His  followers.  If  the  world  do  persecute 
you,  and  take  away  your  goods  or  clothes,  was  not 
your  Lord  and  Master  so  served?  Did  they  not 
cast  lots  for  His  garments  ?  Was  not  He  haled 
from  the  priests  to  Herod,  and  before  Pontius 
Pilate,  and  spit  upon?  And  if  they  hate  thee,  and 
spit  upon  thee.  He  was  hated,  and  spit  upon  for 
thee.  Did  He  not  go  to  prison  for  thee  ?  And  was 
He  not  mocked  and  scourged  for  thee?  Did  He 
not  bow  to  the  cross  and  grave  for  thee,  He  who 
had  no  sin,  neither  was  guile  found  in  His  mouth? 
And  did  He  not  bear  thy  sins  in  His  own  body 
upon  the  tree?  And  was  He  not  scourged  for 
thee,  'by  whose  stripes  we  are  healed.'  Did  He 
not  suffer  the  contradiction  of  sinners?  who  died 
for  sinners,  and  went  into  the  grave  for  sinners,  and 
died  for  the  ungodly,  yea,  tasted  death  for  every 
man ;  who,  through  death,  destroyed  death  and  the 
devil,  the  power  of  death,  and  is  risen,  for  death 
and  the  grave  could  not  hold  Him ;  and  the  powers 
and  principalities,  with  all  their  guards  and  watches, 
could  not  hold  Him  within  the  grave ;  but  He  is 
risen,  and  is  ascended,  far  above  all  principalities, 
powers,  thrones,  and  dominions,  and  is  set  down  at 
the  right  hand  of  God,  and  remaiueth  in  the 


tanner's  lectures. 


149 


heavens,  till  all  things  be  restored;  and  He  is  re- 
storing with  His  light,  grace,  truth,  power,  Spirit, 
faith,  gospel,  and  word  of  life ;  so  that  you  read  of 
sorae  that  came  to  'sit  together  in  heavenly  places 
in  Christ  Jesus.'  " 

(The  quotations  from  George  Fox's  Journal  are 
from  the  folio  edition  of  1765.) 


13* 


APPENDIX. 


The  following  representation  of  John  Howard's 
is  interesting,  as  pointing  to  an  abuse  which  existed 
also  in  the  time  of  our  Friends'  imprisonment;  and 
as  showing  that  if  time  and  opportunity  had  served, 
Howard  might  have  become  the  benefactor  of  the 
insane  as  well  as  of  the  prisoners.  —  "In  some  few 
jails  are  confined  idiots  and  lunatics.  These  serve 
for  sport  to  idle  visitants  at  assizes,  and  other  times 
of  general  resort.  Many  of  the  bridewells  are 
crowded  and  offensive,  because  the  rooms  which 
were  designed  for  prisoners  are  occupied  by  the  in- 
sane. Where  these  are  not  kept  separate,  they  dis- 
turb and  terrify  the  other  prisoners.  'No  care  is 
taken  of  them,  although  it  is  probable  that  by 
medicines  and  proper  regimen,  some  of  them  might 
be  restored  to  their  senses,  and  to  usefulness  in 
life."  The  follow^ing  observations  were  more  ex- 
tensively applicable.  After  speaking  of  deficient 
food,  Howard  says,  "  many  prisons  have  no  water. 
This  defect  is  frequent  in  bridewells  and  town  jails. 
In  some  places  where  there  is  water,  prisoners  are 

(150) 


APPENDIX. 


151 


always  locked  up  within  doors,  and  have  no  more 
than  the  keeper  or  his  servants  think  fit  to  bring 
them ;  in  one  place  they  were  limited  to  three  pints 
a  day  each  ;  a  scanty  provision  for  drink  and  clean- 
liness. And  as  to  air,  which  is  no  less  necessary 
than  either  of  the  two  preceding  articles  (food  and 
water)  and  given  us  by  Providence,  quite  gratis, 
without  any  care  or  labour  of  our  own ;  yet,  as  if 
the  bounteous  goodness  of  heaven  excited  our 
envy,  methods  are  contrived  to  rob  prisoners  of  this 
*  genuine  cordial  of  life,'  as  Dr.  Hales  very  properly 
calls  it;  I  mean,  by  preventing  that  circulation  and 
change  of  the  salutiferous  fluid,  without  which 
animals  cannot  live  and  thrive.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  air  which  has  performed  its  office  in  the 
lungs,  is  feculent  and  noxious.  Writers  upon  the 
subject  show  that  a  hogshead  of  air  will  last  a  man 
only  an  hour."  "Air  which  has  been  breathed,  is 
made  poisonous  to  a  more  intense  degree,  by  the 
efiluvia  from  the  sick,  and  what  else  in  prisons  is 
oflTensive.  My  reader  will  judge  of  its  malignity, 
"when  I  assure  him,  that  my  clothes  were  in  my  first 
journeys  so  offensive,  that  in  a  post-chaise,  I  could 
not  bear  the  windows  up  ;  and  was  therefore  obliged 
to  travel  commonly  on  horseback.  The  leaves  of 
my  memorandum-book  were  often  so  tainted,  that 
I  could  not  use  it,  till  after  spreading  it  an  hour  or 
two  before  the  fire ;  and  even  my  antidote,  a  vial  of 


152 


APPENDIX. 


vinegar,  has,  after  using  it  in  a  few  prisons,  become 
intolerably  disagreeable.  I  did  not  wonder  that  in 
these  journeys,  many  jailers  made  excuses,  and  did 
not  go  with  me  into  the  felons*  w^ards."  "From 
hence,  any  one  may  judge  of  the  probability  there 
is,  against  the  health  and  hfe  of  prisoners,  crowded 
in  close  rooms,  cells,  and  subterraneous  dungeons, 
for  fourteen  or  fifteen  hours  out  of  the  twenty-four. 
In  some  of  those  caverns,  the  floor  is  very  damp ;  in 
others,  there  is  sometimes  an  inch  or  two  of  water ; 
and  the  straw  or  bedding  is  laid  on  such  floors, 
seldom  on  barrack  bedsteads."  "  Some  jails  have 
no  sewers  or  vaults ;  and  in  those  that  have,  if  they 
be  not  properly  attended  to,  they  are  even  to  a 
visitant  offensive  beyond  expression ;  how  noxious 
then  to  people  constantly  confined  in  those  prisons  ! 
In  many  jails,  and  most  bridewells,  there  is  no  al- 
lowance of  bedding  or  straw  for  prisoners  to  sleep 
on ;  and,  if  by  any  means  they  get  a  little,  it  is  not 
changed  for  months  together."  "  Some  lie  upon 
rags,  others  on  the  bare  floors."  "I  am  ready  to 
think,  that  none  who  give  credit  to  what  is  con- 
tained in  the  foregoing  pages,  will  wonder  at  the 
havock  made  by  the  jail  fever.  From  my  own  ob- 
servations, made  in  1773-4-5,  I  am  fully  convinced 
that  many  more  prisoners  were  destroyed  by  it,  than 
were  put  to  death  by  all  the  public  executions  in 
the  kingdom.    This  frequent  eflect  of  confinement 


APPENDIX. 


153 


in  prison,  seems  generally  understood,  and  shows 
how  full  of  emphatical  meaning,  is  the  curse  of  a 
severe  creditor,  who  pronounces  his  debtor's  doom 
to  rot  in  jail.  I  believe  I  have  learned  the  full  im- 
port of  this  sentence,  from  the  vast  numbers  who, 
to  my  certain  knowledge,  and  some  of  them  before 
my  eyes,  have  perished  by  the  jail  fever."  —  [State 
of  the  Prisons  in  England  and  Wales^  sec,  1.) 


SECOND  LECTURE, 

Delivered  2d  Month,  2ith,  1858. 


It  would  be  observed  by  those  who  heard  my 
former  Lecture  on  the  Early  History  of  Friends  ia 
Bristol  and  Somersetshire,  that  the  information 
contained  in  it  was  derived  chiefly  from  printed 
books.  My  first  intention  in  regard  to  these  Lec- 
tures, was  simply  to  bring  together  such  materials 
from  the  unpublished  records  of  our  Monthly  and 
Quarterly  Meetings,  as  might  be  calculated  to  set 
forth  and  illustrate  our  local  history.  I  found,  how- 
ever, that  most  of  the  details  of  the  persecution, 
which  formed  so  important  a  feature  of  the  earlier 
period,  and  which  I  believe  to  have  exerted  a 
marked  influence  on  our  general  history  and  disci- 
pline, were  already  published.  It  seemed  therefore 
the  better  course  to  compile  a  short  narrative  from 
those  accounts.  In  proceeding,  as  I  now  do,  to 
state  some  of  the  results  of  the  examination  of  our 
records,  I  may  confess  I  have  had  another  object  in 
view  besides  the  preparation  of  these  Lectures.  It 

(154) 


tanner's  lectures. 


155 


has  often  seemed  to  me,  that  the  histories  which 
have  been  written  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  have 
been  too  much  restricted  to  a  record  of  events  ;  that 
they  have  failed  to  bring  into  view,  as  fully  as  could 
be  desired,  the  interior  life  of  the  body ;  and,  that 
the  same  complaint  which  has  sometimes  been 
made  of  national  history,  that  of  its  not  placing 
before  us  the  actual  condition  of  the  people  in  suc- 
cessive ages,  is  to  some  extent  applicable  to  the  his- 
tories of  our  Society,  and,  as  much  so  perhaps  to 
those  of  other  religious  bodies.  It  may  be  long 
before  the  right  man  is  found  to  supply  this  defi- 
ciency among  us ;  but  in  the  mean  time  it  would 
form  an  important  and  essential  preparation  for  the 
work,  if  Friends  in  difterent  localities  could  be  in- 
duced to  search  the  records  and  documents  of  their 
respective  meetings,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  what 
testimony  they  bear  as  to  the  condition  of  the  body 
in  former  periods.  Such  materials  might  serve  in 
the  first  instance  to  interest  a  company  like  the  pre- 
sent, and  be  afterwards  treasured  up  for  the  use  of 
the  future  historian.  Many  who,  like  myself,  may 
not  be  fitted  to  act  the  part  of  the  architect  of  a 
general  history,  might  nevertheless  do  something  in 
the  capacity  of  quarrymen, 

I  had  no  desire  indeed  to  act  any  other  part  in 
regard  even  to  this  local  sketch  of  our  histo^)^  My 
proposal  to  the  Committee  of  our  Library  and  Lec- 


156 


tanner's  lectures. 


ture  Association  was,  to  search  for  materials,  in  the 
hope  that  some  one  else  might  be  found  to  work 
them  up  into  Lectures.  Having,  however,  in  de- 
fault of  such  assistance,  taken  the  further  step  of 
putting  these  materials  together  as  best  I  might,  I 
trust  it  will  not  subject  me  to  a  charge  of  egotism 
if  I  say  further,  that  whilst  I  have  no  wish  to  make 
these  Lectures  the  vehicle  of  personal  or  peculiar 
views,  it  seems  to  me  essential  that  any  one  under- 
taking the  task  should  to  some  extent  point  out  or 
suggest  what  appears  to  him  to  be  the  bearing  of 
different  facts  and  circumstances :  not  for  the  pur- 
pose of  biassing  the  judgment  of  his  hearers,  but 
rather  of  inviting  their  attention  to  certain  im- 
portant inquiries.  No  one  besides  myself  is  respon- 
sible for  the  views  and  sentiments  which  I  may  here 
express,  beyond  that  general  approval  which  the 
Library  and  Lecture  Association  may  be  considered 
to  give  to  the  Lectures  for  which  they  make  arrange- 
ments :  for  that  approval  is  of  a  negative  rather 
than  a  positive  character,  as  respects  any  incidental 
statements  of  opinion  which  may  from  time  to  time 
be  contained  in  them.  The  intimation  which  the 
Committee  has  given  in  reference  to  the  books  in 
the  Library  of  the  Association,  that  the  sentiments 
and  opinions  contained  in  them  must  be  taken  as 
resting  solely  on  the  responsibility  of  their  respec- 


tanner's  lectures. 


157 


live  authors,  might  very  well  be  extended  to  these 
Lectures. 

Now  in  turning  to  the  view  which  was  presented 
to  you  on  a  former  occasion,  of  the  first  gathering 
of  this  religious  body,  and  in  regard  also  to  the 
statements  which  I  have  to  make  this  evening,  I 
must  ask  you  to  spend  a  short  time  with  me  in  con- 
sidering: what  was  the  character  and  constitution 
of  the  newly-formed  Society.  ^Nothing  could  well 
have  been  more  simple :  a  number  of  earnest  in- 
quirers after  truth,  dissatisfied  with  some  things  ap- 
pertaining to  the  difterent  religious  systems  in  which 
they  had  been  educated,  and  having  been  obliged 
on  conscientious  grounds  to  separate  from  them, 
met  together  in  difiPerent  places,  in  which  they  re- 
sided, to  worship  God  in  spirit.  Having  been  led 
to  renounce  the  system  common  to  other  sects,  of 
devolving  upon  one  man  those  responsibilities  in 
regard  to  public  ministry,  which  in  the  Apostolic 
Church  were  felt  to  rest  on  all  who  might  be  en- 
trusted with  the  gifts  of  prophecy  and  of  teaching, 
they  sat  down  in  silence  in  their  religious  assem- 
blies, giving  leave  to  all  to  speak  who  might  feel 
themselves  called  to  the  work,  and  whose  services 
might  prove  acceptable  to  the  congregation.  Being 
also  convinced  that  the  symbolical  rites  of  bap- 
tism, and  the  Supper,  were  not  of  perpetual  obliga- 
14 


158 


tanner's  lectures. 


tion;^  and  further,  that  it  was  only  by  the  imme- 
diate operation  of  the  Spirit  of  God  that  any  could 
be  truly  baptized  into  Christ,  or  be  brought  to  a 
true  participation  in  His  body  and  in  His  blood ; 
they  felt  themselves  called  to  the  disuse  of  all  out- 
ward rites  and  ceremonies.  If  the  inquiry  be  raised, 
whether  those  who  had  thus  escaped  from  the  tram- 
mels of  human  authority,  which  had  been  so  op- 
pressive to  them  in  the  bodies  to  which  they  had 
belonged,  did  themselves  make  the  terms  of  their 
communion  as  broad  as  those  of  the  Apostolic 
Church,  I  think  it  must  be  answered,  that  although 
at  the  first  their  Association  was  of  a  very  simple 
character,  yet  occupying  the  position  of  a  section  of 
the  Church,  rather  than  of  the  Church  itself,  as  the 
first  Christians  did,  they  soon  judged  it  needful  to 
define  the  principles  in  the  profession  of  which  they 
were  united,  and  the  extent  to  which  their  practices 
differed  from  those  of  other  Christians.  It  may  not 
be  to  much  purpose  to  inquire,  what  their  course 

•  The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  paper  entitled  Gospel 
Truths/'  published  in  Dublin,  in  1G98,  and  signed 

AViLLiAM  Penn.  Thomas  Story. 

Anthony  Sharp.  George  Rook. 

"We  believe  the  necessity  of  the  one  baptism  of  Christ,  as 
well  as  of  Ilis  one  supper,  which  He  promiseth  to  eat  with  those 
that  open  the  door  of  their  hearts  to  Ilim,  being  the  baptism 
and  supper  signified  by  the  outward  signs ;  which,  though  v.  e 
disuse,  we  judge  not  those  that  conscientiously  practise  them." 


tanner's  L  E  C  T  L"  h  e  s 


159 


would  have  been  in  this  respect  if  their  position 
bad  been  difierent.  Their  opinions  as  to  the  extent 
to  which  Christian  comprehension  ought  (abstract- 
edly speaking)  to  be  carried,  would  probably  vary 
in  proportion  to  the  enlargement  of  mind  which 
they  respectively  possessed.  Jirothiug  can  indeed  be 
more  catholic  than  the  opinions  expressed  by  William 
Penn  on  this  subject,  in  his  work  entitled  "An 
Address  to  Protestants  of  all  Persuasions."  He 
says,  "the  question  is  not,  whether  all  the  truths 
contained  in  Scripture  are  not  to  be  believed ;  but 
whether  those  truths  are  equally  important,  and 
whether  the  belief  with  the  heart,  and  the  confession 
with  the  mouth  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ  and  Son  of 
God,  be  not  as  sufficient  now,  to  entitle  a  man  to 
communion  here  and  salvation  hereafter,  as  in  those 
times.  Against  which  nothing  can  be  of  weight 
objected."^  After  noticing  some  of  the  objections, 
which  might  be  raised  to  the  adoption  of  such  a 
principle,  he  says,  "Lastly,  if  it  be  alleged  'that 
this  would  take  in  all  parties,  yea,  that  schismatics 
and  heretics  will  creep  in  under  this  general  con- 
fession, since  few  of  them  will  refuse  to  make  it:' 
I  do  say  it  would  be  an  happy  day.  What  man 
who  loves  God  and  Christ,  seeks  peace  and  concord, 
that  would  not  rejoice  if  all  our  animosities  and 
vexations  about  matters  of  religion,  were  buried  in 

*  Penn's  Works,  Vol.  I.  p.  75G. 


160 


tanner's  lectures. 


this  one  coDfession  of  Jesus,  the  great  author  and 
Lord  of  the  Christian  religion,  so  often  lost  in  pre- 
tending to  contest  for  it."  ^  It  might  be  difficult  to 
give  an  exact  definition  of  the  meaning  of  the 
modern  phrase  broad  church,"  but  I  do  not  see 
that  a  more  comprehensive  meaning  could  be  at- 
tached to  it  than  is  furnished  by  these  noble  words 
of  William  Penn. 

There  is  no  reason  however  to  suppose,  that 
whilst  taking  his  stand  on  this  broad  New  Testa- 
ment ground,  as  to  the  principle  which  should  be 
adopted  in  any  attempt  at  general  comprehension, 
he  was  indisposed  to  acquiesce  in  the  judgment  of 
his  friends,  that,  circumstanced  as  they  were,  it  was 
needful  for  them  to  lay  down,  and  to  abide  by  the 
grounds  of  their  dissent  from  the  Churches  pre- 
viously existing.  It  is  important,  moreover,  to  bear 
in  mind,  that  the  comprehension  of  all  Christians 
under  one  form  of  communion,  is  a  thing  of  far  less 
consequence  than  their  being  united  together  in  the 
bonds  of  Christian  love.  What  can  be  more  illu- 
sory than  the  professed  unity  of  the  Church  of 
Rome?  There  is  on  the  other  hand  a  possibility 
of  agreeing  to  differ;  of  our  maintaining  without 
compromise,  those  views  of  Christian  faith  and 
practice  which  each  sect,  and  each  individual  has 
felt  it  right  to  adopt;  and  of  our  being  at  the  same 

>  Penn's  Works,  Vol.  I.  p.  757. 


tanner's  lectures. 


161 


time  so  influenced  by  Christian  charity  and  conde- 
scension towards  others,  as  even  to  bear  before  the 
world  a  testimony  to  the  oneness  of  the  body  of 
Christ. 

I  must  ask  leave  to  introduce  another  quotation 
from  William  Penn's  Address  to  Protestants,  in 
which  he  lays  down  a  principle  recognised  by  the 
Society  of  Friends  in  its  early  days ;  and  from 
which  it  cannot  I  think  be  said  to  have  since  de- 
parted. I  allude  to  the  important  distinction  which 
exists  between  membership  in  the  true  Church  of 
Christ,  and  membership  in  the  professing  Church. 
In  the  course  of  the  objections  which  he  urges  to 
the  undue  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  Wil- 
liam Penn  says,  "Let  me  add  something  about  this 
great  word  Church.  Some  men  think  they  are  sure 
enough,  if  they  can  but  get  within  the  pale  of  the 
Church,  that  have  not  yet  considered  what  it  is. 
The  word  Church,  signifies  any  assembly,  so  the 
Greeks  used  it ;  and  it  is  by  worthy  Tyndale  every- 
where translated  congregation.  It  has  a  tw^ofold 
sense  in  Scripture.  The  first  and  most  excellent 
sense  is  that  in  which  she  is  called  the  body  and 
bride  of  Christ.  In  this  respect  she  takes  in  all 
generations,  and  is  made  up  of  the  regenerated,  be 
they  in  heaven  or  on  earth,  thus  Ephes.  i.  22. — v. 
23  to  33.  Col.  i.  16,  17,  18.  Heb.  xii.  22,  23. 
Eev.  xxi.  2.  —  xxii.  17.  Here  Christ  only  can  be 
14*  L 


162 


tanner's  lectures. 


head :  this  Church  is  washed  from  all  sin ;  not  a 
spot  nor  a  wrinkle  left :  ill  men  have  nothing  to  do 
with  this  Church,  within  whose  pale  only  is  salva- 
tion. *  *  *  The  other  use  of  that  word  in 
Scripture  is  always  referred  to  particular  assemblies 
and  places."  I  cannot  but  think,  that  if  this  dis- 
tinction had  been  kept  in  view,  less  objection  would 
have  been  raised  to  the  constitution  of  the  Society 
of  Friends  on  the  ground  of  its  being  a  mixed 
company,  and  consisting  both  of  the  converted  and 
the  unconverted.  Such  objectors  seem  to  forget 
that  the  same  charge  might  have  been  made  against 
the  twelve  apostles  themselves ;  and  for  aught  we 
know,  against  every  Church  which  ever  existed 
(using  the  word  Church  in  Tyndale's  sense,  of  a 
Christian  congregation.)  I  am  aware  that  I  am 
treading  on  controversial  ground,  and  I  would  not 
wish  unduly  to  press  my  own  views ;  but  I  do  not 
feel  that  it  would  be  right  to  omit  the  mention  of 
the  subject  in  this  place.  In  Trench's  work  on  the 
Parables,  in  the  chapter  on  the  Parable  of  the  Tares 
of  the  Field,  there  is  an  interesting  reference  to  the 
ancient  and  extensive  controversy  which  was  raised 
on  this  question  in  the  fourth  and  jSfth  centuries, 
by  the  Donatists. 

I  would  further  observe,  that  the  practice  of  the 
early  Church,  as  set  forth  in  the  New  Testament, 
appears  to  me  to  have  been  to  admit  into  member- 


tanner's  lectures. 


163 


ship  those  who  made  profession  of  faith  in  Christ, 
and  afterwards  to  disown  all  such  as  by  their  con- 
duct, and  by  their  rejection  of  the  means  used  to 
reclaim  them,  proved  themselves  insincere ;  such  I 
find  to  have  been  the  early  practice  of  the  Society 
of  Friends.  Those  who  attended  their  meetings 
even  occasionally,  were  watched  over  as  members 
of  the  flock,  remonstrated  with  when  their  conduct 
was  disorderly,  and  testified  against  when  they  re- 
fused subjection  to  the  discipline.  Inquiry  was 
made  as  to  the  orderly  conduct  of  those  who  applied 
for  relief,  for  leave  to  be  married  at  meeting,  or  (ac- 
cording to  the  practice  introduced  towards  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  ever  since  con- 
tinued) for  certificates  of  membership  on  their  re- 
moval from  one  meeting  to  another:  but  I  do  not 
find  in  the  minutes  of  the  monthly  meetings  which 
I  have  examined,  any  mention  made  of  a  formal 
admission  into  membership,  for  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years  after  the  establishment  of  our  meetings 
for  discipline.  It  was  not  until  within  the  present 
century  that  the  difierent  meetings  prepared  lists 
of  their  members.  There  were  doubtless  some 
practical  inconveniences  connected  with  this  state 
of  things,  and  the  line  of  distinction  to  which  I 
have  alluded,  as  having  been  judged  needful,  was 
gradually  drawn  between  the  Society  of  Friends 
and  other  sects  of  Christians,  and  resulted  at  leng:th 


164 


tanner's  lectures. 


in  the  separation  of  the  attenders  of  our  meetings 
into  the  two  classes,  of  members  and  non-members : 
but  the  belief  that  such  membership  merely  implies 
a  connexion  with  the  professing  Church,  has  con- 
tinued to  be  manifested  by  the  children  of  members 
being  recognised  in  that  capacity  until  they  form- 
ally withdraw,  or  prove  themselves  unw^orthy  by 
their  conduct.  It  may  be  said  that,  although  the 
distinction  between  the  professing  and  the  true 
Church  is  Scriptural,  this  mode  of  recognising  it  is 
not  so :  but  I  am  not  aware  that  any  portion  of  the 
New  Testament  could  be  referred  to,  to  show  that 
it  is  unscriptural.  Have  we  any  good  reason  for 
supposing,  that  the  children  of  those  who  were  ad- 
mitted into  the  Apostolic  Church,  on  the  ground  of 
their  professed  faith  in  Christ,  would  be  excluded 
from  any  of  the  privileges  which  membership  in  the 
congregation  conferred,  until  they  proved  them- 
selves unworthy  of  them  ?  And  w^as  there  anything 
more  implied  in  the  original  idea  of  Church  mem- 
bership, than  the  right  to  participate  in  those  pri- 
vileges ? 

It  may  be  further  observed  that  the  Society  of 
Friends  has  from  the  first  steadfastly  avoided  the 
introduction  of  formal  creeds.  Doctrinal  treatises 
have  at  different  times  been  published  by  indivi- 
duals; some  of  these  have  received  the  negative 
sanction  which  our  Morning  Meeting  in  London 


tanner's  lectures. 


165 


gives  when  it  decides  that  books  submitted  to  it 
contain  nothing  contrary  to  our  principles;  and 
some  of  them  have  been  published  at  the  expense 
of  the  Society.  In  regard  to  the  last  mentioned 
course  of  proceeding  I  would  observe,  that,  though 
I  am  one  of  those  who  think  that  the  works  of  indi- 
vidual writers  should  be  left  to  individuals  to  pub- 
lish, the  object  which  the  Society  has  had  in  view  in 
undertaking  such  publication,  appears  to  have  been 
to  disseminate  our  views,  and  not  to  make  their 
contents  binding  upon  the  consciences  of  its  mem- 
bers. In  the  controversies  which  have  at  different 
times  arisen  among  Friends,  the  Society  has  been 
accustomed  to  appeal  to  the  truths  of  Holy  Scripture 
rather  than  to  the  writings  of  individuals,  in  accord- 
ance with  Robert  Barclay's  declaration  in  regard  to 
the  Scriptures,  "  "We  do  look  upon  them  as  the  only 
fit  outward  judge  of  controversies  among  Chris- 
tians."^ If  I  should  be  asked  how  such  a  declara- 
tion agrees  with  certain  other  expressions  contained 
in  our  early  writings  respecting  the  Scriptures,  my 
answer  would  be,  first,  that  it  is  not  needful  to  de- 
fend every  thing  contained  in  these  writings;  and, 
secondly,  that  I  believe  their  authors  would  very 
generally  have  united  with  the  opinion  in  which 
William  Penn  says,  "  all  sound  Protestant  writers" 
agree,  that  "the  Scriptures  only,  interpreted  by  the 


*  Apology,  Prop.  3.,  Sec.  VI. 


166 


TANNER'S  LECTURES. 


Holy  Spirit  in  us,  give  the  final  determination  in 
matters  of  religion ;  and  that  only  in  the  conscience 
of  every  Christian  to  himself."^  The  belief  of  the 
Society  in  modern  times  on  this  important  question 
is  plainly  set  forth  in  the  paragraphs  of  the  Yearly 
Meeting's  epistle  of  1836,  which  relate  to  it,  and  in 
which  the  Scriptures  are  said  to  be  *'the  only 
divinely  authorized  record  of  the  doctrines  which 
we  are  bound  as  Christians  to  believe,  and  of  the 
moral  principles  which  are  to  regulate  our  actions." 
The  whole  of  these  paragraphs  may  be  found  in  the 
last  edition  of  the  selection  from  the  minutes  and 
advices  of  the  Yearly  Meeting.  I  know  of  no  book 
more  suitable  to  be  recommended  to  the  notice  of 
those  w^ho  are  making  inquiry  as  to  the  views  and 
principles  of  Friends. 

The  earliest  controversy  which  befell  the  Society 
in  England  was  probably  that  which  was  raised  by 
some  Friends  in  Westmoreland  against  the  esta- 
blishment of  meetings  for  discipline ;  and  those  who 
acted  for  the  Society  on  that  occasion  drew  a  broad 
distinction  between  the  disorderly  walking  which  the 

*  Penn's  Works,  Vol.  I.,  p.  779.  William  Penn  further  snys, 
"  0  that  we  would  but  be  impartial,  and  see  our  own  overplus 
to  the  Scriptures,  and  retrench  that  redundancy,  or  keep  it  mo- 
destly !  for  'tis  a  horrid  thing  that  we  Protestants  should  assume 
a  power  of  ranging  our  human  apprehensions  with  the  sacred 
text,  and  enjoining  our  imaginations  for  indispensable  articles 
of  faith  and  Christian  communion."    Vol.  I.  p.  774. 


tanner's  lectures. 


167 


discipline  was  meant  to  repress,  and  those  convic- 
tions and  opinions  for  which  man  is  answerable  to 
God  alone.  It  has  been  considered,  indeed,  that 
for  any  one  to  persist  in  teaching  opinions  which 
the  Society  regards  as  opposed  to  fundamental 
truth,  should  be  made  a  ground  of  disciplinary  pro- 
ceeding :  but  it  is  the  act  of  disseminating  such  views, 
and  not  the  mere  holding  of  them,  which  consti- 
tutes the  ofience  in  such  cases.  The  Society  having 
declared  from  time  to  time,  in  its  official  documents, 
what  those  truths  are  in  the  profession  of  which  its 
members  are  united,  has  wisely  thrown  the  respon- 
sibility on  the  conscience  of  each  individual  of  de- 
ciding how  far  he  can  honestly  remain  a  member 
of  it. 

The  need  of  establishing  meetings  for  discipline 
w^as  very  early  perceived  by  George  Fox,  and  with 
him  originated,  for  the  most  part,  the  disciplinary 
system  which  has  since  obtained  amongst  us.  Some 
years  had  elapsed  before  the  connexion  between 
these  meetings  was  fully  established.  In  some  in- 
stances the  County  or  Quarterly  Meetings  were  the 
first  which  were  held,  whilst  in  others  a  few  neigh- 
bouring meetings  were  joined  together  as  a  Monthly 
Meeting :  the  Monthly  Meetings  being  afterwards 
made  subordinate  to  the  Quarterly,  and  these  again 
to  the  is'ational  or  Yearly  Meeting.  The  Urst  meet- 
ing for  discipline  held  in  this  part  of  the  country 


168 


TANNEll'S  LECTURES. 


appears  to  have  been  the  Quarterly  Meeting  for 
Somersetshire.  Its  record  of  minutes  commences 
with  a  meeting  held  at  Ilchester,  in  1668 :  but 
George  Fox  speaks  of  being  at  a  General  Meeting 
in  Somersetshire,  in  1663  (both  the  National  and 
County  Meetings  were  at  first  called  "  General  Meet- 
ings") ;  and  among  the  manuscripts  in  James  Dix's 
collection  there  is  an  account  of  a  still  earlier  meet- 
ing held  at  Glastonbury,  the  27th  of  Fourth  month, 
1659.  I  believe  this  paper  to  contain  a  copy  of  the 
earliest  record  of  a  meeting  for  discipline  held  in 
this  part  of  the  country.  The  names  of  forty-five 
Friends  are  appended  to  the  minutes,  or  "propo- 
sals," as  they  are  called.  These  proposals  are  to  the 
following  eflect,  viz. :  First,  That  care  be  taken  that 
all  sufierings  of  Friends  for  conscience'  sake  be  col- 
lected in  each  meeting,  and  forwarded  to  a  Friend 
appointed  to  record  them.  Second,  That  if  any  dif- 
ference should  arise  amongst  Friends,  which  in  love 
and  the  spirit  of  meekness  shall  not  be  composed 
or  ended  between  themselves,  they  shall  lay  it  be- 
fore some  Friends  of  their  own  meeting,  or  others 
who,  in  the  wisdom  of  God,  may  judge  thereof  and 
end  the  same ;  but  that  if  it  cannot  be  so  ended,  it 
shall  be  brought  to  be  determined  at  the  General 
Meeting.  Third,  That  Friends,  who  are  servants, 
should  not  leave  their  employers,  or  employers  dis- 
miss their  servants,  without  due  notice.  Fourth, 


tanner's  lectures. 


169 


That  Friends  be  desired  to  bring  up  their  children 
in  the  nurture  and  admonition  of  the  Lord ;  and 
that  such  as  are  capable  be  instructed,  or  kept  era- 
ployed,  that  none  live  idle  in  the  creation.  Fifth, 
That  all  Friends  who  are  not  provided,  may  speedily 
procure  burying-places.  Sixth,  That  if  any  Friend 
be  indebted,  and  unable  to  discharge  the  same  with- 
out the  assistance  of  Friends,  the  matter  should  bo 
inquired  into  at  the  General  Meeting.  Seventh, 
That  a  register  be  kept  in  every  meeting  of  all  mar- 
riages, births,  and  burials,  and  the  particulars  sent 
to  the  Friend  appointed  to  record  the  sufferings. 
Eighth,  That  care  be  taken  to  collect  and  maintain 
the  stock  of  public  moneys  for  the  relief  of  poor 
Friends,  and  defraying  other  public  charges.  Two 
treasurers  to  be  appointed  (one  in  the  north  and  the 
other  in  the  south  of  the  county),  who  shall  disburse 
the  moneys  as  the  General  Meeting  shall  direct,  or 
as  they,  with  the  consent  of  four  other  Friends,  shall 
judge  meet;  and  render  an  account  to  the  meeting. 
Kinth,  That  if  a  necessity  be  laid  on  any  Friend  to 
write  or  print  any  book  for  the  service  of  truth,  the 
copies  be  first  tried  and  weighed  by  such  persons  as 
are  able  to  judge  in  the  wisdom  of  God,  and  the 
same  being  approved,  the  charge  of  printing  (above 
what  is  raised  by  the  sale  of  the  book)  may  be 
borne  by  the  public  stock.  That  care  be  taken  to 
15 


170 


tanner's  lectures. 


distribute  such  books  as  are  thus  printed,  for  gra- 
tuitous circulation. 

At  a  second  General  Meeting,  or  adjournment  of 
the  former,  held  a  month  later,  a  long  minute  was 
adopted  in  relation  to  marriage,  the  substance  of 
which  was,  that  before  the  parties  intending  to 
marry  concluded  "any  contract,"  the  matter  should 
be  "propounded  to  two  or  three"  "to  judge  there- 
of :  if  they  object  not,  that  then  it  be  published  to 
Friends  of  the  meeting,  or  meetings,  to  which  the 
parties  belong,"  at  "the  end"  of  the  meeting,  "the 
parties  being  present:"  that  if  after  a  lapse  of  four- 
teen days  no  obstruction  arise,  the  said  "  intention 
shall  be  published  in  the  market  town  next"  to  the 
residence  of  each  party,  "on  a  market  day,  in  time 
and  place  of  full  market,  by  the  party  himself,  or 
some  other  person,  as  the  parties  think  lit,  or  at  the 
end  of  the  General  Meeting,  or  meetings  to  which 
the  party  or  parties  belong,  so  that  it  be  publicly 
done."  "  That  fourteen  days  after  such  publication 
(at  the  least)"  the  marriage  should  take  place  "at 
the  end  of  a  meeting,  or  at  and  before  an  assembly 
of  Friends"  not  "less  than  ten  in  number,"  "a  cer- 
tificate" to  be  "signed  by  four  at  least  of  the  men 
present,  and  the  marriage  to  be  then  registered." 
Any  obstruction  arising  in  relation  to  marriage  to 
be  reported  to  the  General  Meeting:  certilicates  of 


tanner's  lectures. 


171 


marriage  to  be  shown  to  some  public  magistrate 
soon  after  the  marriage. 

The  only  other  minute  of  this  second  meeting, 
refers  to  the  collections  to  be  made  for  the  public 
stock,  and  directs  that  all  meetings  on  the  south 
and  south-west  of  Mendip,"  should  send  their  col- 
lections "to  a  Friend  of  Puddimore;"  and  that 
meetings  on  the  north  or  north-east  of  Mendip 
should  send  theirs  to  a  Friend  at  Saltford.  There 
is  another  paper  in  the  same  collection,  signed  G. 
F.j  containing  most  of  the  suggestions  embodied  in 
these  proposals  of  the  Somersetshire  meeting ;  and 
a  third,  without  date,  but  issued  apparently  about 
the  same  time,  in  which  various  objects  are  recom- 
mended to  the  different  meetings,  such  as  the  keep- 
ing up  of  meetings  for  worship,  the  extension  of 
private  admonition  to  delinquents  in  a  "tender 
meek  spirit,"  and  speaking  to  them,  if  needful, 
before  two  or  three  witnesses,  before  making  com- 
plaint to  the  Church;  the  care  of  the  goods  of 
Friends  travelling  in  the  ministry,  and  of  those  who 
are  in  prison ;  and  the  extension  of  private  advice 
and  care  to  ministers.  Various  quotations  of  apos- 
tolic counsel,  bearing  on  the  different  relations  of 
life,  are  given  in  this  paper.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  duties  which  devolved  on  this  Somersetshire 
Meeting  include  those  which  were  subsequently  left 
to  the  care  of  the  subordinate  Monthly  Meetings. 


172 


tanner's  lectures. 


And  for  years  after  the  establishment  of  the  latter, 
the  respective  provinces  of  these  meetings  were  not 
clearly  defined.  Delinquents  were  sometimes  dealt 
with  by  the  Monthly  and  sometimes  by  the  Quarterly 
Meeting :  and  cases  which  had  been  brought  under 
the  care  of  the  former  were  often  carried  forward  to 
the  latter  for  final  decision.  The  attention  of  these 
early  meetings  for  discipline  was  often  occupied 
with  the  sufferings  attendant  on  persecution,  and 
committees  were  appointed  "to  take  care  of  the 
affairs  of  the  prison,  and  to  see  that  nothing  be 
lacking  to  them  that  suffer  for  the  testimony  of  a 
good  conscience."  ^  Other  Friends  were  appointed 
to  attend  the  Assizes  and  Sessions,  to  assist  those 
who  were  under  prosecution. 

The  range  of  the  Mendip  Hills  has  continued  to 
form  the  boundary  of  one  of  the  Monthly  Meetings 
in  the  County  of  Somerset,  viz.,  the  north  division ; 
but  the  southern  and  western  part  of  the  county 
was  soon  afterwards  divided  into  two,  and  subse- 
quently into  four  Monthly  Meetings :  and  these  have 
again  been  united  into  two.  In  the  year  1691  the 
middle  division,  containing  Street,  Glastonbury, 
&c.,  was  separated  from  the  south  division,  which 
included  Yeovil,  Shepton  Mallet,  Puddimore,  &c. : 
but  most  of  the  meetings  which  remained  in  exist- 
ence in  the  latter  were  joined  to  the  middle  division 


•  Minutes  of  Quarterly  MeetiD|^  for  Somerset,  1682. 


tanner's  lectures. 


173 


in  1783.  Again,  in  the  west  division,  Minehead 
and  some  other  meetings  were  formed  into  a  distinct 
Monthly  Meeting  in  1691,  but  were  reabsorbed  into 
the  west  division  in  1761.  The  minutes  of  Mine- 
head  Monthly  Meeting  appear  to  be  lost:  those  of 
the  north  commence  first  month,  1667,  two  months 
earlier  than  those  of  the  Two  Weeks  Meeting  in 
Bristol :  those  of  the  west  in  1676 ;  and  those  of 
the  south  in  1687. 

Another  paper,  which  appears  to  have  been  issued 
by  one  of  the  Somersetshire  General  Meetings, 
contains  lists  of  Friends  by  whom  the  business  of 
the  different  Monthly  Meetings  was  to  be  trans- 
acted. It  may  be  said  b}^  those  who  object  to  birth- 
right membership,  that  in  the  arrangement  by 
which  the  exercise  of  the  discipline  was  committed 
to  a  few  persons,  a  corrective  was  provided  (which 
has  since  been  lost)  for  the  otherwise  objectionable 
course  of  treating  all  the  attenders  of  a  congrega- 
tion who  had  not  been  disowned  as  members  of  the 
Church.  I  shall  have  something  to  say  as  to  the 
working  of  this  restrictive  system  in  my  next  Lec- 
ture. But  supposing  we  should  find  that  this  sys- 
tem w^orked  badly  in  the  long  run,  this  would  not 
prove  that  its  introduction  at  the  early  period  of 
which  I  speak,  was  an  error.  Its  adoption  or  rejec- 
tion appears  to  me  to  be  a  matter  of  allowable 
arrangement.  And  if  some  of  my  friends  should 
15* 


174 


tanner's  lectures. 


say  to  me  that  this  question  is.  in  their  view,  one  of 
principle  rather  than  of  arrangement;  and  that 
under  a  system  of  birthright  membership,  such  re- 
striction is  absolutely  required,  I  would  ask  them  to 
consider  that  the  restrictive  s^^stem  can  only  be 
carried  out  by  the  exercise  of  superior  authority 
like  that  of  the  Queen  over  the  Church  of  England ; 
or  by  self-appointment,  like  that  which  the  fiction 
of  apostolic  succession  involves ;  or  by  the  general 
consent  or  appointment  of  the  other  members  of  the 
meeting.  The  latter  is  the  only  course  which  could 
be  pursued  in  our  own  Society.  In  other  words, 
those  who  are  imagined  to  be  unfit  to  undertake  the 
conduct  of  the  discipline  would  have  to  take  part  in 
the  appointment  of  others  to  perform  this  duty  !  Do 
not  such  considerations  point  to  the  conclusion,  that 
the  bringing  forth  good  fruit  in  this  matter  of  church 
government,  (as  in  every  thing  else,)  is  dependent 
on  the  goodness  of  the  tree ;  on  the  condition  of 
the  congregation;  that  where  spiritual  life,  in  the 
main,  prevails,  and  is  allowed  free  scope,  good  re- 
sults will  follow ;  but  that  whenever  it  becomes  low 
or  extinct,  no  form  or  system  whatever  will  ensure 
good  church  government  ?  In  the  earlier  times  of 
which  I  am  speaking,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  that  the 
heterogeneous  character  of  the  congregations  may 
have  rendered  such  selection  needful.  In  Bristol  it 
was  felt  to  be  a  serious  thing  that  so  many  should 


tanker's  lectures 


175 


be  excluded  from  all  meetings  excepting  those  for 
worship,  and  in  1697,  a  Quarterly  Heading  Meeting 
was  established  for  the  children  and  servants  of 
Friends ;  and  there  is  a  mention  in  the  minutes  of 
the  Men's  Meeting  having  adopted  '-several  articles 
and  paragraphs  containing  tender  counsel,  advice, 
and  caution  for  reading  to  the  Quarterly  Meeting." 

The  manner  in  which  the  selection  of  Friends  to 
attend  meetings  for  disciphne  was  made,  was  pro- 
bably different  in  different  meetings.  The  following 
minute  of  the  north  division  of  Somerset  Monthly 
Meeting  was  adopted  in  1667,  just  after  its  estab- 
lishment: ''It  is  desired  that  one  Friend  at  the 
least,  at  each  meeting,  do  give  attendance  at  each 
General  Quarterly  Meeting,  and  also  at  each  Monthly 
Meeting,  and  that  [the]  Friend  or  Friends  who  do 
come  to  such  meetings  have  the  consent  of  the 
major  part  of  the  meeting  to  which  he  do  belong ; 
and  that  he  motion  nothing;  here  as  from  the  meet- 
ing,  but  only  what  is  the  mind  and  sense  of  the 
major  part  of  the  meeting :  yet  not  limiting  or  re- 
straining any  Friend,  but  all  may  come  in  their 
freedom,  and  speak  their  judgment ;  but  not  in  the 
name  of  the  meetins:  otherwise  than  aforesaid."  I 
need  hardly  say  that  the  principle  of  deciding  by 
majorities  has  never  been  generally  recognised  by 
our  Society.  The  desire  of  its  members  has  been 
to  form  their  conclusions  in  accordance  with  the 


176 


tanner's  lectures. 


mind  of  the  Spirit;"  and  it  has  often  been  instruc- 
tive to  observe  that  where  this  desire  has  been 
maintained  and  accompanied  by  brotherly  conde- 
scension, those  v^'ho  have  differed  widely  in  opinion, 
have  at  length  been  brought  to  agree.  But  infalli- 
ble as  are  the  dictates  of  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  there 
is  a  great  liability  even  on  the  part  of  the  renewed 
mind  to  misapprehend  them ;  and  in  cases  in  which 
opinion  continues  to  be  divided,  the  testimony  of 
numbers  cannot  be  overlooked  without  endangering 
the  relationship  in  which  we  stand  one  to  another 
as  brethren.  In  a  minute  of  the  north  division 
Monthly  Meeting,  in  1702,  complaint  is  made  of 
the  character  of  some  who  attended  that  meeting ; 
and  it  is  requested  that  Friends  of  each  particular 
meeting  would  meet  the  first  day  before  each 
Monthly  Meeting,  and  make  choice  of  two  Friends 
to  attend  it  —  a  duty  which  afterwards  devolved  on 
preparative  meetings,  when  these  were  established 
in  1754.  Representatives  to  the  Quarterly  Meeting 
seem  at  first  to  have  been  named  by  the  particular 
meetings,  and  those  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  by  the 
Monthly  Meetings. 

I  do  not  think  that  any  one  who  has  examined 
the  minutes  of  our  earlier  meetings  for  discipline, 
and  observed  the  character  and  the  extent  of  the 
delinquency  noticed  in  them,  could  entertain  the 
idea  that  the  first  years  of  the  Society's  existence 


tanner's  lectures.  177 

are  in  all  respects  to  be  considered  a  golden  age. 
Perhaps  a  mistake  has  sometimes  been  made  in  re- 
ference to  those  earl}'  times  by  overrating  the  puri- 
fying effect  which  persecution  would  exercise  on  the 
body:  I  do  not  mean  as  respects  its  influence  on 
individual  minds,  but  as  to  its  tendency  to  repress 
insincere  profession.  Ko  doubt  many  insincere  per- 
sons were  kept  aloof  from  the  Society  in  the  days 
of  persecution,  by  the  fear  of  suffering :  but  it  may 
not  have  been  sufficiently  considered  that  another 
effect  of  persecution  was  to  develope  to  a  large  ex- 
tent the  kindly  and  charitable  feelings, of  the  little 
flock  towards  each  other ;  and  that  the  free  exten- 
sion of  pecuniary  and  other  aid,  resulting  there- 
from, would  prove  a  temptation  to  some,  whose  aim 
it  would  be  to  avail  themselves  of  the  aid,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  evade  the  suffering  which  others 
bore  so  faithfully.  I  have  no  doubt  that,  as  respects 
many  of  the  members,  the  period  under  considera- 
tion was  one  in  which  singleness  of  purpose,  devo- 
tedness  of  heart,  and  uncompromising  faithfulness, 
Avere  exhibited  to  a  far  greater  degree  than  has  since 
been  commonly  witnessed  amongst  us :  but  it  must 
be  considered  that,  even  as  respects  the  sincere  and 
earnest  members  of  the  body,  there  had  been,  in 
many  instances,  a  want  of  that  early  religious  care 
and  training  which  cannot  be  fully  compensated  for 
by  any  of  the  advantages  of  after  years.    I  was 

M 


178 


tanner's  lectukes. 


often  reminded  of  some  of  these  features  of  our  So- 
ciety's early  history,  by  what  I  had  the  opportunity 
of  witnessing,  some  time  since,  of  the  state  of  things 
among  our  dear  Friends  in  Norway.  One  sees  there 
a  community  of  persons  who  have  come  together  on 
the  grounds  of  professed  individual  conviction  (few, 
if  any,  of  the  adults  having  had  a  birthright  in  the 
Society) ;  and  it  is  refreshing  to  witness  the  zeal, 
and  love,  and  self-denial  b}'  which  many  of  them  are 
actuated ;  but  one  cannot  be  among  them  without 
feeling  how  great  a  loss  has  been  sustained  by  more 
than  a  few,  for  want  of  the  early  culture  to  which  I 
have  alluded. 

In  Somersetshire,  and  perhaps  in  Bristol  also, 
many  of  the  first  converts  appear  to  have  belonged 
to  the  labouring  class  of  society :  to  the  same  class, 
indeed,  from  which  Whitfield  and  Wesley  drew  a 
large  number  of  their  disciples  in  the  following  cen- 
tury. There  were,  in  Somersetshire,  three  times  as 
many  meetings  as  at  present ;  but  there  are  more 
reasons  than  one  why  we  should  hesitate  to  use  this 
comparison  as  a  test  of  the  religious  strength  of  the 
body  in  these  difi:erent  periods ;  manj^  of  these 
meetings  were  small,  a  number  of  them  were  held 
in  private  houses ;  and  from  a  very  early  time  fre- 
quent complaints  were  made  of  the  great  slackness 
of  Friends  in  many  places  in  attending  the  meet- 
ings for  discipline.    The  following  is  a  minute  of 


T  A  N  X  E  R '  S  LECTURES. 


179 


the  West  Division  Monthly  Meeting,  in  1676 :  "Here 
is  none  of  Minehead  or  "Withell,  Wiveliscombe  nor 
Milverton,  nor  Poldcn  Hill  nor  Taunton,  to  attend 
upon  the  service  of  truth."  There  were  often  not 
more  than  from  four  to  six  Friends  present  at  that 
Monthly  Meeting;  and  similar  complaints  were 
made  of  some  of  the  other  meetings  in  the  county, 
and  of  the  attendance  of  the  Quarterl}^  Meeting. 

Many  of  the  first  Quarterly  Meetings  were  held 
at  Ilchester,  apparently  in  consequence  of  the  great 
number  of  Friends  who  were  there  as  prisoners. 
The  ordinary  prison  being  full,  two  old  buildings, 
known  as  the  Nunnery^  and  the  Friary,  were  also 
used  as  prisons  for  Friends.  In  the  hall  of  this 
Ilchester  Friarj-,  many  of  the  first  Somersetshire 
Quarterly  meetings  were  held.  On  one  occasion, 
when  the  permission  to  meet  there  was  refused 
them,  the  landlord  of  the  inn  at  which  they  met 
was  fined  .£40  for  allowing  them  the  use  of  his 
house  (£20  for  the  Men's,  and  .£20  for  the  Women's 
Meeting),  and  he  incurred  £20   expense  in  the 

'  It  is  stated  by  CoUinson,  in  liis  History  of  Somersetshire, 
that  this  Nunnery  was  originally  one  of  the  hospitals,  of  which 
there  were  several  in  that  county,  devoted  to  the  use  of  lepers, 
pilgrims,  &c.  He  speaks  of  the  Friary  as  having  been  the  house 
in  which  the  famous  Roger  Bacon  was  born.  This  Friary,  like 
our  Bristol  Friars,  belonged  to  the  order  of  Black  Friars.  The 
abbey  kitchen,  at  Glastonbury,  was  another  ecclesiastical  build- 
ing which  served  Friends  for  a  place  of  meeting. 


180 


tanner's  l  i-:  c  t  u  r  i*:  s . 


attempt  to  defend  himself  at  the  Sessions.  Friends 
afterwards  repaid  him  these  sums.  The  names  of 
most  of  the  Somersetshire  Meetings  at  present  in 
existence  are  given  in  the  earliest  list.  Sidcot  and 
Claverham  are  not  mentioned,  but  were  established 
soon  after.  Backwell,  Nailsea,  and  Bourton,  formed 
one  meeting  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  latter,  as 
did  Cheddar  and  Berrington  near  the  former.  The 
Friends  probably  went  from  Cheddar  to  Berrington 
on  foot,  passing  between  the  Cheddar  Cliffs,  across 
the  highest  ridge  of  Mendip,  and  through  the  Ber- 
rington Coomb ;  a  walk  almost  equal  in  picturesque 
beauty  to  some  of  those  by  which  I  have  seen  Nor- 
w^egian  peasants  wending  their  way  to  a  place  of 
worship.  In  that  neighbourhood  resided  William 
Lawrence  of  Axbridge,  and  William  Goodridge  of 
Banwell,  both  of  whom  suffered  severe  imprison- 
ment. 

The  meeting  for  discipline,  established  in  Bristol 
in  1667,  unlike  the  meetings  of  which  I  have  spoken, 
was  not  made  subordinate  to  any  Quarterly  Meet- 
ing. Bristol  may  be  said,  under  this  arrangement, 
as  in  its  civil  capacity,  to  have  been  "a  city  and 
county  of  itself."  On  the  occasion  of  the  regular 
establishment  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  London,  in 
in  the  year  1672,  it  was  decided  that  it  should  con- 
sist of  six  Friends  for  the  City  of  London,  three  for 
the  city  of  Bristol,  two  for  the  town  of  Colchester, 


TAXXER'S  LECTURES. 


181 


and  one  or  two  from  each  of  the  counties  of  Eng- 
land and  Wales  respectively.  This  meeting  for  dis- 
cipline in  Bristol  continued  to  meet  once  in  two 
weeks  until  its  junction  with  the  Quarterly  Meeting 
of  Somersetshire,  in  1784.  Like  the  Monthly  Meet- 
ings, it  was  occupied  with  the  relief  of  the  poor  and 
of  those  who  were  sufferers  from  persecution,  with 
proceedings  in  relation  to  marriage,  and  with  the 
general  maintenance  of  Christian  discipline. 

Although  the  early  meetings  for  discipline  were 
of  so  select  a  character,  it  w^as  felt  that  some  pro- 
vision was  needed  for  the  regular  extension  of  still 
more  private  care  and  oversight.  At  a  Quarterly 
Meeting  for  Somerset,  held  in  1686,  a  minute  was 
adopted,  stating  that,  "Whereas  some  matters  re- 
lating to  truth  are  not  fit  to  be  discussed  in  a  public 
Quarterly  Meeting,"  an  appointment  w^as  then  made 
of  six  Friends  from  each  Monthly  Meeting.  A  time 
was  fixed  for  them  to  meet ;  and  they  were  to  ap- 
point another  time  for  such  a  meeting  to  be  held, 
and  acquaint  their  respective  Monthly  Meetings 
with  it.  Those  meetings  w^ere  to  appoint  them,  or 
a  like  number  of  Friends  in  their  places,  to  attend 
to  such  service.  In  the  first  month  of  1698,  the 
Quarterly  Meeting  issued  a  paper  of  disciplinary 
advice  and  direction,  which  w^as  afterwards  revised, 
and  is  called,  in  the  early  minutes,  "the  paper  of 
particulars."  Two  Friends  w^ere  to  be  appointed  in 
16 


182 


tanner's  l  e  c  t  u  r  e  s  . 


each  Meeting  to  report,  from  time  to  time,  as  to  the 
conduct  of  their  members.  This  was  just  before 
the  advice  was  issued  by  the  Yearly  Meeting  to  ap- 
point overseers.  In  Bristol,  a  meeting  was  esta- 
blished as  early  as  1670,  whose  duty  it  was  to  ex- 
tend such  private  care  as  was  needed,  previously  to 
the  charge  against  any  Friend  being  laid  before  the 
Men's  Meeting.  It  w^as  subsequently  arranged  that 
this  meeting  should  be  composed  of  ministering 
Friends,  and  of  six  Friends  to  be  appointed  annu- 
ally by  the  Men's  Meeting,  and  that  it  should  hold 
its  meetings  once  a  month.  This  Meeting,  which 
continued  in  existence  till  1765,  was  accustomed  to 
undertake  the  oversight  of  the  ministry  as  well  as 
of  the  conduct  of  the  members  generally.  It  was 
not  long,  indeed,  before  it  exceeded  the  powers  en- 
trusted to  it  by  proceeding  to  disown  impenitent 
offenders ;  and  in  1697,  the  Men's  Meeting  found  it 
needful  to  adopt  a  minute  expressly  limiting  the 
powers  of  this  "  Monthl}^  Meeting"  to  the  prelimi- 
nary dealing  with  delinquents,  and  declaring  its 
entire  subordination  to  the  Two-weeks  Meeting. 
As  regards  ministry,  however,  it  was  still  accus- 
tomed to  advise  Friends,  whose  ministry  was  not 
approved,  to  keep  silence  in  meetings. 

Besides  the  appointment  of  overseers,  other 
means  of  oversight,  in  use  from  an  early  time,  were 
periodical  meetings  of  the  heads  of  families,  in 


tanner's    L  E  C  T  U  Vv  e  s  . 


183 


different  places  ;  and  the  appointment  of  Committees 
by  the  Monthly  Meetings,  to  visit  the  families  of 
Friends. 

The  first  mention  which  I  find  of  queries  to  be 
answered  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  London,  is  in 
1700.  These  referred  chiefly  to  the  sufferings  and 
imprisonment  of  Friends :  and  the  only  one  which 
bore  on  the  state  of  the  meetings  was  that  which 
related  to  the  prosperity  of  truth,  and  the  increase 
of  unity,  among  Friends.  Verbal  answers  appear 
to  have  been  given  for  some  years.  The  first  pub- 
lication of  a  book  of  extracts  from  the  minutes  and 
advices  of  the  Yearly  Meeting,  was  made  in  1783 : 
but  the  following  minute  was  adopted  by  the  Quar- 
terly Meeting  of  Somersetshire,  in  1739:  "Under- 
standing that  a  motion  has  been  made  in  the  Yearly 
Meeting,  at  London,  that  an  abstract  of  the  minutes 
of  the  said  meeting  be  drawn  up  for  the  use  of 
Friends ;  if  said  motion  should  be  repeated,  our  re- 
presentatives are  ordered  to  second  it." 

Among  the  minutes  of  the  first  sitting  of  the 
^Bristol  Meeting,  is  one  containing  an  offer  to  pay 
the  passage  of  Wenlock  Christison  to  ISTew  England, 
and  another  shortly  after  directing  relief  to  be  given 
to  his  wife.  I  suppose  this  to  have  been  the  same 
Friend  who  returned  to  Boston  in  1660,  after  he 
had  been  banished  on  pain  of  death;  and  who, 
entering  the  court  whilst  sentence  of  death  was 


184 


tanner's  lectures. 


being  passed  on  his  friend  William  Leddra,  ad- 
dressed a  bold  warning  to  the  Judges  not  to  shed 
any  more  innocent  blood.  His  warning  did  not 
prevent  the  execution  of  "William  Leddra,  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  the  barbarous  spectacle  was 
afterwards  repeated.  Wenlock  Christison  himself, 
though  sentenced  to  death,  was  liberated  the  follow- 
ing year.  I  suppose  that  he  had  in  the  mean  time 
returned  to  England,  and  was  now  contemplating 
another  visit  of  love  to  New  England  —  but  I  have 
not  met  with  any  later  record  of  his  life.  (In  the 
previous  year  Wenlock  Christison,  of  Sutton,  is 
mentioned  as  having  been  sent  to  Ilchester,  for  re- 
fusing to  swear.)  Others  of  the  first  minutes,  relate 
to  the  case  of  William  White,  a  lad  who  had  been 
turned  out  of  doors  by  his  father,  (who  was  a  Ser- 
jeant,) for  his  attendance  of  Friends'  meetings. 
Friends  were  appointed  to  visit  his  father,  and  try 
to  convince  him  of  his  "  unnaturalness  but  as  this 
failed,  arrangements  were  made  for  the  son's  ap- 
prenticeship. The  following  is  a  minute  relating  to 
his  case  : — "  Margaret  Thomas  having  been  spoken 
to  concerning  the  tabling  of  William  White,  accepts 
the  terms  proposed  by  Friends —  Ss.  per  week."  ^ 

Bristol  was  from  a  very  early  period  remarkable 
for  having  two  meeting-houses  belonging  to  the 

*  I  suppose  the  word  "  boarding''  has  the  same  sort  of  origin 
as  tabling/' 


tanner's  lectures.  185 

same  congregation ;  and  from  the  year  1670,  if  not 
before,  there  have  been  two  Week-day  Meetings. 
At  first  they  were  both  held,  as  they  now  are,  at  the 
Friars  —  Temple  Street  meeting-house  being  only 
used  once  in  the  week  (on  the  first  day.)  The  fol- 
lowing minute  was  adopted  in  1667 :  It  is  con- 
cluded that  a  large  public  meeting-house  on  this 
side  of  the  Bridge,  be  built  on  the  ground,  and  that 
it  be  not  thereby  intended  to  make  void  the  deter- 
mination of  Friends  in  procuring  a  meeting-house 
on  the  other  {i.  e,  the  Temple  Street)  "  side  of  the 
Bridge."  A  committee  was  then  appointed  to  make 
arrangements  for  building.  The  meeting-house  in 
use  up  to  this  time,  is  always  spoken  of  as  having 
been  in  Broadmead;  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  it 
stood  on  the  site  of  the  present  Baptist  Chapel  in 
that  street.  In  the  "  Broadmead  Kecords,"  a  volume 
of  which  has  been  published,  it  is  stated,  that  the 
Baptist  church,  which  met  at  one  time  in  a  room  in 
the  Friars,  formerly  a  chapel,  removed  in  1671,  '^to 
the  meeting-house  at  the  lower  end  of  Broadmead, 
where  the  heretics,  called  Quakers,  had  formerly 
used  to  meet,  it  being  four  great  rooms  made  into 
one  square  room,  about  sixteen  yards  long  and  fif- 
teen yards  broad."  The  Friends'  meeting-house  in 
the  Friars  was  opened  in  1670 ;  and  the  jjrobability 
seems  to  be,  that  this  room  to  which  the  Baptists 
removed,  was  the  one  which  Friends  had  left.  It 
16* 


186 


tanner's  lectures. 


was  certainly  an  up-stairs  room  which  was  occupied 
by  both  parties.  The  minute  which  I  just  now  read, 
stipulates  that  the  new  house  should  be  built  on  the 
ground  —  a  former  minute  speaks  of  letting  the 
rooms  under  the  old  meeting-house  for  X3 : 10  per 
annum ;  and  there  is  another  minute  appointing 
Friends  to  stand  at  the  lower  stair-head  to  make  a 
collection  for  the  poor,  after  meeting.  The  house 
in  Temple  Street  appears  to  have  been  finished  in 
less  than  a  year,  and  was  opened  in  the  autumn  of 
1667.^  Much  more  difiiculty  seems  to  have  arisen 
about  the  larger  house,  and  in  1669,  there  is  this 
minute,  "  Friends  appointed  about  the  new  meeting- 
house, are  desired  effectually  to  meet  about  it  very 
speedily."  It  seems  probable  that  a  difference  of 
opinion  had  prevailed  as  to  the  site  which  should 
be  chosen,  &c.  The  question  was  "largely  debated" 
in  one  of  the  meetings,  and  in  a  minute  made  six 
months  after  the  last  which  I  read,  stating  that  the 
committee  had  determined  that  it  should  be  built 
on  the  ground  of  Dennis  Hollister,  in  the  Friars ; 
w^e  are  told  that  the  judgment  was  determined  by 
lot,  both  as  to  the  place,  and  the  persons  who 
should  go  on  in  the  work.  I  see  it  stated  in  a  Lec- 
ture on  the  History  of  Friends  in  Birmingham, 

'  Six  years  later  it  was  ordered  to  be  enlarged,  and  in  1763  it 
was  re-built.  In  1832,  this  house  "was  made  use  of  as  a  cholera 
hospital,  and  soon  afterwards  sold. 


tanxer's  lectures. 


187 


published  in  the  "British  FnQnd,"  that  the  site  on 
which  their  meetiog-house  was  built  had  also  been 
that  of  a  Friary.  Trench  had  better  have  referred 
to  such  coincidences,  in  his  interesting  little  book 
on  proverbs,  to  illustrate  the  proverb  that  ex- 
tremes meet,"  than  to  refer,  as  he  does,  to  that 
which  he  takes  for  granted  as  a  fact,  that  Friends, 
like  the  Roman  Catholics,  represent  the  Bible  as 
needing  a  supplement.  The  first  house  at  the  Friars 
had  the  ministers'  gallery  on  the  side  opposite  to 
the  present,  and  the  entrance  was  from  Merchant 
Street,  through  the  Cutlers'  Hall  premises.  The 
officers  who  came  to  apprehend  Friends  during  the 
persecuting  times,  are  described  on  one  occasion  as 
waiting  for  them  in  the  Cloisters.  In  1699,  com- 
plaint was  made  of  the  injury  done  by  Friends' 
coaches  coming  into  the  narrow  lane  which  led  to 
the  meeting-house,  and  they  were  desired  to  leave 
them  in  the  street,  or  else  not  use  them  at  all.^  In 
the  description  of  the  property  purchased  of  Dennis 
Hollister,  mention  is  made  of  a  large  orchard  con- 
nected with  the  Friars,  which  I  suppose  to  have 
been  the  same  used  for  the  lars-er  meetins^s  in 
earlier  times. 

The  first  burial-ground  used  by  Friends,  was  that 
at  Eedcliff  Pit,  purchased  in  1665.  There  is  a 
minute  in  1668,  stating  that  the  herbage  of  Redcliff 

'  Minutes  of  Two-^sveeks  and  Monthly  Meetings. 


188 


tanner's  lectuhes. 


Street  burying-ground  was  let  for  three  years,  at 
SOs,  per  annum.  The  Friars'  burial-ground  was 
probably  the  garden  purchased  of  Dennis  Hollister 
as  part  of  the  meeting-house  premises,  and  described 
in  the  abstract  book  as  having  been  formerly  a 
burying-ground.  The  burying-ground  of  the  work- 
house was  opened  in  1708.  There  are  some  curious 
minutes  relating  to  funerals.  The  grave-digger  was 
more  than  once  ordered  to  attend  the  Two-weeks 
Meeting,  to  be  treated  withal  concerning  his  over- 
charging poor  Friends  for  making  graves ;  and  on 
one  of  these  occasions  the  following  scale  of  charges 
for  funerals,  &c.,  was  agreed  to :  —  Is.  for  digging 
the  grave  of  a  poor  Friend ;  2s.  6d.  for  other  graves ; 
Is.  6d.  for  inviting  the  friends  and  relations  of  a 
poor  Friend  to  a  funeral ;  2s.  6d.  for  inviting  those 
of  other  Friends.  No  one  receiving  such  payments 
to  sit  in  the  meeting  for  discipline.  Friends  were 
cautioned  against  the  use  of  varnished,  or  wainscot 
coffins.  In  1670,  grave-stones  were  ordered  to  be 
removed.  There  is  a  minute  advising  against  the 
customary  handing  of  wine  at  funerals,  and  a 
minute  of  Frenchay  Monthly  Meeting  condemns 
the  practice  of  drinking  and  smoking  on  such 
occasions. 

Among  the  early  minutes,  are  two  which  relate 
to  the  opening  of  the  city  gate  called  ITewgate,  on 
first  days,  to  allow  Friends  to  pass  out  to  their 


tanner's  lectures. 


189 


meeting,  (Broadmead  not  having  been  within  the 
city  bounds.)  The  closing  of  the  gates  on  that  day 
of  the  week,  had  probably  originated  with  the 
Puritans.  In  1668,  5s.  per  quarter  is  directed  to  be 
given  "to  the  porter,  for  his  pains  and  love  in 
opening  the  gate  to  Friends,  as  they  go  to  and  again 
to  meetings  on  the  first  days  of  the  week."  The 
other  minute  was  passed  in  1673 :  "  If  the  porter  of 
Kewgate  continue  to  open  the  gates,  to  the  benefit  ^ 
of  Friends  passing  through  at  the  breaking  up  of 
our  First  day  Meetings,  this  meeting  do  appoint 
Charles  Harford  and  William  Ford  to  pay  him  5s, 
every  quarter,  to  begin  at  the  next  quarter  day." 
This  payment  was  still  continued  in  1703. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  whether  the 
Women's  Quarterly  Meeting,  which  was  held  in 
1680  (as  appears  from  the  statement  that  the  land- 
lord of  the  inn  at  Ilchester,  was  fined  for  allowing 
their  meeting  in  his  house),  was  regularly  held  after- 
wards ;  but  some,  at  least,  of  the  Women's  Monthly 
Meetings  in  Somersetshire,  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  kept  up.  In  1755,  a  minute  of  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  states  that  no  such  meetings  were  held  in 
the  Xorth  and  Middle  Divisions.  The  minutes  of 
the  former  show,  however,  that  the  attempt  to  hold 
such  a  meeting  had  more  than  once  been  made.  In 
Bristol,  the  Women's  Meeting,  established  at  the 
same  time  as  the  Men's,  appears  to  have  been  kept 


190 


tanner's  lectuhes. 


up  ever  since.  It  was  from  the  first  largely  occupied 
with  the  care  of  the  poor ;  and  the  applications  for 
relief,  from  persons  of  both  sexes,  were  commonly 
referred  to  them.  The  opposition  made  to  the  esta- 
blishment of  meetings  for  discipline,  of  which  I 
have  spoken,  extended  to  Bristol,  and  a  Friend,  of 
the  name  of  William  Eogers,  who  resided  there, 
became  a  warm  partizan  of  the  movement.  One 
part  of  the  dissatisfaction  arose  from  the  idea  that 
the  establishment  of  Women's  Meetings  was  an 
attempt  to  usurp  authority  over  the  man :  but  the 
objectors  went  further,  and  argued  that  the  abiding 
of  the  Spirit  of  Christ  in  His  people,  rendered  them 
independent  of  all  Church  authority ;  and  that  the 
authority  then  attempted  to  be  exercised  among 
Friends,  w^as  similar  to  that  of  the  Romish  Coun- 
cils. To  this  it  was  replied,  that  if  the  authority 
exercised  was  consonant  with  the  Scriptures,  he  who 
follows  the  leadings  of  the  Spirit,  will  not  reject  it  ; 
and  that  whilst  it  would  be  right  to  oppose  such 
tyranny  as  that  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  we  cannot 
reasonably  plead  the  like  scruple  against  relieving 
the  poor,  visiting  the  sick,  ending  differences,  re- 
proving the  licentious,  reclaiming  backsliders,  pro- 
moting justice  in  dealing  and  temperance  in  living; 
nor  against  making  the  needful  arrangements  for 
marriage  proceedings,  &c.  And,  that  as  to  the 
Women's  Meetings,  which  were  established  for  the 


tanner's  lectures. 


191 


purpose  of  assisting  in  the  care  of  the  poor,  the  sick, 
and  the  imprisoned  ;  the  apostolic  injunction  re- 
ferred to  by  the  objectors,  could  not  apply  to  them: 
and  that  although  a  motherly  and  watchful  care 
over  their  own  sex,  as  being  the  fittest  to  counsel 
and  advise  in  some  cases,  had  since  devolved  upon 
them,  there  was  in  this  no  usurpation  of  power. 

Before  giving  any  further  details  of  disciplinary 
proceedings,  I  would  call  the  attention  of  my  friends 
to  what  appears  to  me  to  have  been  a  marked  effect 
produced  on  the  Society  and  on  its  discipline,  by  the 
severe  persecution  under  which  its  members  suffered 
for  so  many  years.  Not  only  did  it  open  the  hearts 
of  the  sufferers  towards  those  who  suffered  from 
any  cause,  but  it  seems  to  have  induced  a  close 
compact  among  the  members,  which  resulted  in  a 
sort  of  family  government.  Peculiar  circumstances 
call  for  peculiar  measures,  such  as  it  may  not  be 
wise  to  continue  under  other  circumstances  ;  just  as, 
in  the  Apostolic  Church,  the  believers  sold  their 
possessions  and  had  all  things  in  common.  Such 
considerations  may  have  been  suggested  to  us  by 
the  beautiful  minute  of  the  Bristol  Meetins:  referred 
to  last  month,  which  describes  the  affection  shown 
by  the  whole  meeting  to  the  children  of  Thomas 
Parsons  when  they  were  introduced  by  their  sister 
and  taken  charge  of  by  Friends  ;  and  by  the  minute 
of  the  first  Somersetshire  Quarterly  Meeting,  which 


192 


tanner's  lectures. 


recommends  those  who  are  contemplating  marriage 
to  take  the  advice  of  their  friends  before  they  enter 
into  any  contract  with  each  other;  and  there  are 
many  other  things  in  the  early  minutes  of  a  similar 
character.  Offenders  were  at  first  summoned  to 
come  to  the  meeting  and  receive  the  advice  of 
Friends.  Thus,  in  1678,  a  minute  of  the  west  divi- 
sion Monthly  Meeting  advises  a  delinquent  to  attend 
the  next  Quarterly  Meeting  at  Ilchester,  to  receive 
such  advice  and  admonition  as  Friends  may  give 
him,  "which,"  it  is  said,  "we  doubt  not  will  be  to 
the  eternal  good  of  his  soul."  As  regards  marriage, 
the  consent  of  parents  was  shortly  afterwards  substi- 
tuted for  the  advice  of  friends^  but  meetings  were 
accustomed  to  concern  themselves  with  marriage 
proceedings  to  an  extent  which  would  now  be  re- 
garded as  an  infringement  of  private  rights.  Ap- 
pointments were  made  in  the  case  of  second  mar- 
riages, to  see  that  the  children  of  the  first,  if  an}-, 
were  properly  provided  for.  In  one  case,  the  middle 
division  Monthly  Meeting  had  the  deed  of  a  mar- 
riage settlement  copied  among  their  minutes,  "  be- 
cause," they  say,  "the  trustee  is  a  contentious  man, 
and  Friends  are  not  willing  to  be  troubled  by  him." 
It  is  evident,  moreover,  that  in  the  personal  presen- 
tation of  marriage,  the  parties  were  looked  upon  as 
seeking  the  sanction  of  the  meeting  to  their  pro- 
ceeding.   In  the  case  of  an  ancestor  of  my  own. 


tanner's  lectures 


193 


"William  Tanner,  of  Kington,  near  Thornbury,  who 
married  Mary  Motley,  daughter  of  Joseph  Sturge, 
in  1707,  the  minute  of  Frenchay  Monthly  Meeting 
on  the  occasion,  says,  '-this  meeting  do  not  really 
approve  of  this  intention  of  marriage,  but  do  permit 
them  to  proceed  therein  among  Friends."^ 

In  regard  to  trade,  we  find  the  earl}-  meetings 
occupied  to  a  large  extent  with  the  proceedings  of 
their  members,  by  loans  of  money  and  otherwise. 
Thus  a  minute  of  the  Bristol  Meeting,  in  1676,  men- 
tions that  two  Friends  complain  of  the  decay  of 
trade,  and  £40  is  agreed  to  be  advanced  in  weekl}^ 
sums,  for  which  each  is  to  supply  one  dozen  of 
shoes.  Two  Friends  are  bound  for  the  said  sum, 
and  others  agree  to  see  them  harmless.  Sometimes 
the  meetings  undertook  the  winding  up  of  the 
estates  of  deceased  Friends.  A  minute  of  the  south 
division  appoints  a  Friend  to  sell  the  goods  of  an- 
other who  had  recently  died,  "  and  pay  his  debts  if 
his  brother  don't  do  it."  It  may  perhaps  be  thought 
that  the  advice  issued  in  early  times  by  the  Quar- 
terly Meeting  for  Somerset,  that  its  members  should 
avoid  paying  wages  in  goods,  came  within  what 
\vould  now  be  considered  as  the  legitimate  province 

1 1  am  indebted  to  Philip  D.  Tuckett,  and  P.  D.  Tuckett, 
junior,  for  copies  of  some  Frenchay  minutes,  and  to  John 
Naish,  for  assistance  rendered  in  regard  to  those  of  the  north 
division  of  Somerset. 

17  N 


194  tanner's  lectures. 

of  a  meeting  for  discipline ;  but  the  same  can 
hardly  be  said  of  the  following  minute  of  that  meet- 
ing, 23d  First  month,  1726:  "John  Ilipsley,  by 
order  of  the  north  Monthly  Meeting,  acquaints  us 
that  about  three  mouths  past,  Mary  Cuff,  a  poor 
Friend  who  lived  in  Bellutou  meeting-house,  was 
unhappily  murdered,  and  the  person  who  is  sup- 
posed (as  by  his  own  confession)  to  have  committed 
the  fact,  being  now  taken,  and  to  be  tried  at  the 
coming  assizes  at  Taunton.  And  whereas  the  said 
prosecution  may  be  expensive,  and  no  way  probable 
to  raise  the  expense  unless  by  Friends,  therefore 
(eight  Friends)  are  desired  to  carry  on  the  said  pro- 
secution as  much  as  in  them  lies,  and  the  charges 
thereof  to  be  reimbursed  by  this  meeting."  The 
execution  of  the  murderer  was  reported  at  a  future 
meeting. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  effect  which  the 
sort  of  family  compact  of  which  I  have  spoken  pro- 
duced, not  only  on  the  charitable  disposition  of  the 
early  Friends  towards  each  other,  but  also  in  making 
way  for  the  system  of  relief  which  has  been  gra- 
dually matured  amongst  us.  The  right  of  our 
members  to  maintenance  has  never,  I  believe,  been 
admitted  by  the  Society,  but  our  'practice  is  very 
much  the  same  as  it  would  be  if  the  right  were  ad- 
mitted. I  am  not  going  to  enter  on  the  difficult 
question  whether  the  right  course  has  been  in  all 


tanner's  lectures. 


195 


respects  pursued  by  us  in  this  matter  of  relieving 
the  wants  of  our  members,  or  on  the  still  more  dif- 
ficult question  of  what  better  could  have  been  de- 
vised. Few  problems  in  moral  science  are  more 
difficult  of  solution  than  that  which  relates  to  the 
mode  of  so  dispensing  aid  to  others,  as  to  comply 
with  the  requirements  of  Christian  charity  on  the 
one  hand,  and  to  avoid  lessening  their  independence 
and  self-respect  on  the  other.  The  rulers  of  states 
and  of  churches,  and  individuals  in  their  private 
capacity,  have  alike  been  at  fault  in  this  matter.  It 
is  perhaps  equally  certain  (I  am  now  speaking  of 
the  world  at  large)  that  a  great  deal  is  withheld 
which  ought  to  be  given  away,  and  that  a  large  part 
of  that  which  is  given  is  productive  of  injury  rather 
than  of  good.  The  worst  course  of  all  would  seem 
to  be,  that  of  those  who  cut  the  knot  of  the  diffi- 
culty by  giving  as  little  as  possible,  or  by  giving 
indiscriminately  what  they  have  to  spare. 

I  have  spoken  of  a  system  of  relief  as  having 
gradually  grown  up  amongst  us ;  but  the  mode  in 
which  charitable  aid  was  affi3rded  in  early  times 
was  not  of  a  systematic  character,  at  least  in  so  far 
as  respects  what  may  be  termed  a  law  of  settlement. 
Friends  of  one  county  or  country  were  ready  to 
help  those  of  another.  In  1664,  a  considerable  sum 
was  raised  by  Friends  in  Ireland,  to  aid  their  suffi3r- 
ing  brethren  in  this  country,  of  which  £25  were 


196 


tanner's  lectures. 


distributed  to  the  prisoners  at  Ilcbester  and  X30  to 
those  in  Bristol.  Six  years  afterwards  an  oppor- 
tunity was  afforded  to  Friends  in  this  country  of  re- 
ciprocating the  kindness,  by  the  severe  losses  sus- 
tained by  their  brethren  in  Ireland  during  the  re- 
bellion :  the  amount  of  which  is  estimated  by  Rutty 
at  £100,000.  The  sum  of  <£1,810  was  sent  from 
England  for  their  relief,  .£162  being  collected  in 
Bristol  and  X113 : 19  in  Somersetshire  (Friends  in 
Barbadoes  sent  them  £100.)  Applications  were 
frequently  made  to  Friends  from  different  parts  of 
the  country  to  assist  their  brethren  in  special  emer- 
gencies. Among  these,  by  far  the  most  frequent 
were  occasioned  by  losses  from  fire :  and  this  need 
not  surprise  us  w^hen  we  consider  that  many  houses 
were  then  built  of  wood,  that  fire-engines  had  not 
come  into  use,  or  insurance  companies  been  estab- 
lished. In  1672,  two  such  applications  were  made 
to  Friends  of  Bristol,  and  in  the  case  of  one  of 
them,  that  of  a  Friend  of  Southampton,  who  had 
lost  all  he  had  by  fire,  the  sum  of  £142  :  5  :  9.  was 
sent  from  hence.  On  an  application  to  assist  a 
Friend  of  Worcester,  who  was  poor  and  in  debt,  a 
donation  of  £5  was  sent  for  his  relief;  but  Friends 
say,  that  "as  to  the  matter  of  his  debt,  and  contri- 
buting thereunto,  we  have  no  freedom."  In  1708, 
Abraham  Darby,  who  lived  near  Lawford's  Gate, 
ai>plied  to  Friends  to  assist  an  aged  couple  in  Shrop- 


tanner's  lectures.  197 

shire;  Friends  there  being  "few  in  number  and 
mean  in  estate:"  the  sum  of  £5  was  sent  for  their 
assistance,  and  further  relief  was  afterwards  for- 
warded to  that  meeting.  Sometimes,  without  any 
application  being  received.  Friends  were  appointed 
to  inquire  into  the  necessities  of  their  brethren  in 
other  places.  This  course  was  more  than  once 
adopted  by  Bristol  Friends,  in  reference  to  some  of 
the  Gloucestershire  meetings,  and  the  offer  when 
not  accepted,  was  kindly  acknowledged.  In  another 
instance,  an  inquiry  was  directed  to  be  made  as  to 
the  necessities  of  some  Derbyshire  Friends,  emi- 
grating to  Pennsylvania.  Assistance  to  Friends 
going  to  Pennsylvania  is  repeatedly  mentioned. 
During  the  persecution,  from  which  Friends  in 
Bristol  suffered,  in  1682,  "an  epistle  was  received,'* 
says  one  of  the  minutes,  "  from  two  Friends  in 
Yorkshire,  expressing  the  great  sense  and  compas- 
sion Friends  of  the  Quarterly  Meeting  have  of  the 
present  sufferings  and  afflictions  of  our  poor  Friends 
in  this  city,  for  whose  relief  they  have  sent  a  token 
of  X30.  It  is  desired  by  this  meeting,  that  an 
answer  should  be  returned  to  their  Quarterly  Meet- 
ing, tenderly  accepting  their  brotherly  love  towards 
us."  There  were  applications  too,  for  funds  to  be 
used  in  the  redemption  of  Friends  who  were  captives 
in  Algiers.  Bristol  sent  £10  for  this  purpose  in 
IT* 


198 


tanner's  lectures. 


1674,  and  £20  in  1679,  out  of  a  sum  of  £220 
required. 

It  is  very  interesting  and  satisfactory  to  observe, 
that  large  as  were  the  demands  made  upon  our 
Friends  in  those  days,  to  aid  their  suffering  brethren 
at  home  and  abroad,  they  had  still  something  to 
spare  for  the  necessities  of  other  sufferers,  not  be- 
longing to  their  particular  fold.  In  1673  there  is  a 
minute  relating  to  the  distressed  condition  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Fordingbridge,  consequent  upon  an 
extensive  fire.  "We  having  hearts,"  it  says,  "to 
commiserate  their  distressed  condition,  thought 
meet  to  request  Dennis  Hollister  to  move"  it  "  in 
our  public  meeting-house,  according  as  it  shall  be 
upon  his  heart,  on  the  next  first  day,  in  the  after- 
noon." Four  Friends  were  appointed  to  receive 
contributions  on  the  following  first  day.  Just  after 
this,  several  Friends  are  desired  to  ride  down  to 
Pill,  and  relieve  the  wants  of  some  distressed  pas- 
sengers to  Ireland,  to  the  extent  of  £5 :  and  the 
sum  of  £5  is  sent  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
of  Wemm  (another  case  of  loss  by  fire.)  In  the 
second  month  of  1688,  a  collection  was  made  after 
meeting,  to  relieve  "  the  necessity  of  some  of  the 
French  Protestants,"  then  resident  in  Bristol.  This 
is  particularly  interesting  in  connection  with  the 
Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  had 
taken  place  about  three  years  before.   Hundreds  of 


tanner's  lectures.  19^^ 

thousands  of  French  Protestants  are  said  to  have 
been  driven  out  of  France  at  that  time,  the  greater 
part  of  whom  took  refuge  in  England.  (Twent}'- 
two  French  Churches  were  formed  in  London.) 
England  has  had  a  bad  name  given  to  it  of  late,  as 
the  hiding-place  of  assassins ;  but  if  our  hospitality 
has  sometimes  been  abused,  many  have  come  to  us 
at  different  times  as  foreign  refugees,  "  of  whom" 
it  may  be  said  "  the  world  was  not  worthy,"  and 
long  may  it  be  ere  we  close  our  doors  against  such, 
or  indeed  against  any  whose  conduct  entitles  them 
to  our  protection.  On  the  occasion  of  which  I 
speak,  Louis  the  Fourteenth  may  be  said  to  have 
driven  out  of  France  many  of  her  best  citizens ;  and 
the  descendants  of  more  than  a  few  of  these  still 
look  upon  England  as  their  home. 

In  1704,  a  collection  was  made  by  Friends,  from 
house  to  house,  under  a  brief  issued  by  Queen 
Anne,  for  the  suffering  Protestants  of  the  principa- 
lity of  Orange.  The  following  is  the  endorsement 
of  the  brief :  "  There  is  collected  amongst  the 
people  called  Quakers,  in  the  city  of  Bristol,  pur- 
suant to  this  brief,  X78  : 19  : 4,  which  sum  is  paid  to 
the  hands  of  Thomas  Eddolls  and  Thomas  Bilby, 
churchwardens  of  St.  James's  parish,  in  the  said 
city  of  Bristol.  Signed  by  Charles  Jones  and 
Thomas  Callowhill."  In  1709,  the  sum  of  X97 :  0  :  6, 
was  collected  in  a  similar  manner,  for  "  the  sub- 


200 


tanner's  lectures. 


sistence  and  settlement"  of  the  distressed  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Palatinate.  Mention  is  made  of  a  col- 
lection under  a  royal  brief,  as  early  as  1687 ;  and 
the  churchwardens  having  become  willing  to  recog- 
nise the  Friends'  meeting  in  this  way,  and  Friends 
being  willing  to  respond  to  the  call,  the  reading  of 
such  documents  in  our  meetings  became  a  regular 
practice ;  and  none  seem  to  have  been  refused, 
except  those  in  which  application  was  made  for  the 
building  or  repair  of  parish  churches,  one  of  which 
was  for  the  repair  of  Redcliff  Church,  in  this  city, 
in  1709.  In  ten  yeavs,  from  1706  to  1715,  no  less 
than  forty-eight  collections  under  briefs  were  made 
in  Bristol  meeting,  for  losses  sustained  in  other 
places  by  fire. 

Among  the  Somersetshire  minutes,  there  are  a 
number  referring  to  collections  made  for  the  relief 
of  Friends  in  distant  parts  of  the  country.  One  of 
these  was  for  Friends  in  the  north  of  England,  w^ho 
w^ere  sufferers  from  the  rebellion  in  1745.  A  letter 
from  four  Friends  in  London,^  in  1666,  to  John 
Anderdon,  then  a  prisoner  at  Ilchester,  acknow- 
ledges the  receipt  of  £20,  sent  from  Friends  in 
Somersetshire  on  account  of  the  Fire  in  London. 
There  are  two  epistles  from  the  Somersetshire 
Quarterly  Meeting,  directing  subscriptions  to  be 
made  for  the  release  of  captives  in  Algiers ;  and  a 
letter  from  London^  acknowledges  the  receipt  of 
£15,  sent  on  one  of  these  occasions.  The  practice 
of  supplying  the  wants  of  poo'r  Friends  in  Somer- 


•  J.  Dix's  manuscript. 


T  A  X  X  E  R  '  S  LECTURES. 


201 


setshire  out  of  a  Quarterly  Meeting  stock,  was  not 
long  continued,  though  collections  were  made  by 
the  authority  of  the  Quarterly  Meeting  till  the  year 
1725 ;  but  the  Monthly  Meetings  were  accustomed 
to  assist  each  other  under  the  direction  of  the 
Quarterly  Meeting.  In  1668,  the  west  division  was 
desired  to  supply  the  south  "with  £S  out  of  their 
stock,  wherein  they  abound."  On  another  occasion 
the  north  supplies  the  south  with  £2;  the  other 
meetings  "being  themselves  in  debt,  were  not  in  a 
capacity  to  do  anything  for  the  present."  The 
relief  aiforded  to  poor  Friends  in  Somersetshire  in 
the  early  times,  was  generally  small  in  amount. 
There  are  frequent  entriee  of  cases  such  as  the  fol- 
lowing:—  5s.  to  W.  B.,  having  a  family  of  small 
children,  and  being  out  of  his  usual  employment — 
20.?.  to  a  poor  man  with  a  great  family  of  small 
children  —  os.  to  a  poor  man,  and  blind,  having  a 
hard  family — 20s.  for  setting  a  broken  leg,  and  10s. 
for  the  Friend's  relief — 5s.  sent  to  a  Friend  to  buy 
him  a  pair  of  hose  and  shoes.  A  load  of  peat, 
costing  8s.  6(i.  was  given  yearly  to  a  poor  Friend : 
and  a  cow  was  ordered  to  be  purchased  for  the  as- 
sistance of  another.  In  cases  in  which  weekly  pay 
was  given,  the  amount  was  probably  not  above  the 
scale  of  parish  relief:  8s.  6d.  per  month  is  allowed 
for  the  support  of  a  widow,  in  1735,  and  it  is  stated 
in  the  minute  to  be  "as  little  as  she  can  be  kept 
for."  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  value  of 
money  was  greater  than  it  is  now  ;  that  cottages  in 
the  country  were  rented  for  about  20s.  per  annum, 


202 


tanner's  lectures. 


and  that  many  articles  of  food  were  very  low  in 
price,  butcher's  meat  costing  from  IJc?.  to  2Jc?.  per 
pound,  &c.^ 

E'uraerous  cases  occurred,  in  which  parties  apply- 
ing for  relief  were  not  considered  to  have  any  claim 
upon  Friends;  but  in  which  temporary  aid  was 
given,  and  application  directed  to  be  made  to  the 
parish  officers.  Such  applications  were  sometimes 
made  too,  on  behalf  of  the  attenders  of  our  meet- 
ings. One  minute  states  that  as  Friends  paid  the 
poor-rates,  they  thought  they  had  a  right  to  such 
assistance ;  and  another  advises  a  Friend  to  make 
such  application,  she  having  no  scruple  against 
it."  There  was  doubtless  a  great  difficulty  in  those 
early  days,  in  drawing  the  line  between  those  whom 
the  meetings  ought  to  relieve,  and  others.  In  Bris- 
tol, the  proportion  of  indigent  Friends  was  perhaps 
less  than  in  some  of  the  country  meetings,  but 
there  were  cases,  such  as  that  in  which  45s.  was 
allowed  to  a  poor  widow,  to  recover  her  bed  from 
pawn  ;  and  one  minute  orders  X5  to  be  given  to 
women  Friends,  to  buy  coal  and  cheese  for  the  poor 
during  the  winter:  whether  this  refers  to  poor 
Friends  may  be  doubtful.  Both  in  town  and 
country,  the  need  was  early  felt  of  acting  on  the 
apostolic  precept,  that  if  any  would  not  work, 
neither  should  he  eat.    A  minute  of  the  north 

*  There  is  a  curious  book,  published  some  years  since,  en- 
titled "Autobiography  of  William  Stout,  of  Lancaster."  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  and  born  in  1GG5. 
Among  other  facts  of  economical  interest,  there  is  a  mention  of 
his  having  when  a  young  man,  been  boarded  for  £5  per  annum. 


T  A  X  X  E  r"  S  LECTURES 


203 


division,  advises  an  applicant  for  relief  ^'to  be 
diligent  to  follow  some  honest  calling,  for  they 
think  him  able  to  do  so,  without  expectation  or  de- 
pendency on  Friends,"  and  he  is  further  advised, 
"  to  be  busy  about  his  calling,  and  not  about  matters 
that  do  not  concern  him,  or  are  too  high  for  him." 
In  Bristol,  a  person  who  was  remonstrated  with,  for 
not  affording  his  family  proper  support,  said  he  was 
willing  to  work  at  his  trade  in  the  winter,  and  to 
gather  herbs  in  the  summer:"  which  was  not  con- 
sidered a  satisfactory  answer. 

On  the  establishment  of  the  Friends'  workhouse 
in  1696,  an  individual  who  had  removed  to  Loudon, 
and  to  whom  Friends  had  sent  several  sums  of 
money  but  without  feeling  that  his  conduct  entitled 
him  to  their  assistance,  replies  to  an  offer  which  I 
suppose  had  been  sent  him  to  enter  the  new  estab- 
lishment, that  he  has  no  desire  to  come  to  Bristol 
and  weave  cantaloons."  The  idea  of  the  workhouse 
was  first  suggested  by  the  circumstance  of  several 
poor  Friends  who  were  weavers  being  out  of  work  ; 
and  the  needful  funds  were  quickly  raised  by  Friends 
making  themselves  answerable  to  the  extent  of 
several  hundred  pounds.  In  1698,  the  present 
building  at  the  bottom  of  Xew  Street  was  erected 
at  a  cost  of  upwards  of  £1,300,  and  was  described 
in  the  minutes  of  the  Men's  Meeting  as  a  house 
"for  the  willing  Friends  to  work  in,  and  the  aged 
and  feeble  to  live  in."  An  additional  object  was 
afterwards  secured  by  the  admission  of  boys,  who 
were  first  provided  with  school  instruction  and  after- 


204 


tanner's  lectures. 


wards  taught  the  weaving  trade.  This  trade  was 
carried  on  until  about  the  year  1721 ;  the  chief 
article  manufactured  being  the  sort  of  woollen  stulFs 
called  "  cantaloons."  It  is  to  be  rescretted  that  the 
workhouse  ledger  has  been  lost,  so  that  the  j)ecu- 
niary  results  cannot  be  very  fully  ascertained.  In 
the  report  of  one  of  the  annual  audits,  the  account 
is  said  to  be  *^  whole  with  some  advantage,"  and 
this  probably  continued  to  be  the  case  for  many 
years ;  but  at  length  the  trade  had  so  far  declined 
that  loss  ensued  and  the  undertaking  was  relin- 
quished, the  house  having  since  been  used  as  an 
asylum  for  the  aged  and  infirm,  and  having  also  in 
modern  times  accommodated  our  first-day  school 
on  its  first  establishment.  For  some  years  there 
was  a  common  table  kept  for  Friends  living  in  the 
workhouse.  A  Week-day  Meeting  was  established, 
and  I  understand  that  at  one  time  a  meeting  for 
worship  was  also  held  on  first-day.  One  of  the 
Bristol  minutes  orders  that  a  very  good  large 
Bible  should  be  purchased  for  the  use  of  the  boys." 
Another  purchase  made  by  the  meeting,  about  the 
same  time,  was  a  Cambridge  Concordance,  to  be 
placed  on  the  table  of  the  meetings  for  discipline. 

I  must  remark  in  reference  to  endowments,  that  I 
do  not  think  the  Society  of  Friends  has  steered 
clear  of  all  the  disadvantages  ordinarily  connected 
with  them.  I  believe,  however,  that  we  might  very 
generally  plead  "not  guilty,"  to  a  charge  of  misap- 
'pmpriation  ;  and  also  that  the  advice  given  by  the 
Quarterly  Meeting  for  Somerset  on  one  occasion,  to 


tanner's  lectures.  205 

some  Friends,  to  invest  certain  moneys  "on  no 
worse  security  than  they  would  take  for  themselves," 
has  been  generally  followed.  About  ten  years  ago 
a  report  was  presented  to  the  Bristol  Monthly 
Meeting,  by  a  committee,  consisting  of  Samuel  H. 
Lury,  Francis  Fry,  and  Samuel  Bowden,  of  their 
examination  of  the  accounts  and  records  of  this 
meeting,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  whether  all  lega- 
cies which  had  been  directed  to  be  invested  had 
been  duly  secured.  That  undertaking  must  have 
involved  weeks  of  uninterrupted  labour:  for  al- 
though a  complete  set  of  accounts  has  been  kept 
since  1734,  the  previous  statement  had  to  be  pre- 
pared from  various  sources.  The  report  (which  ex- 
tends to  212  folio  pages  of  large  size)  showed  that 
from  1734  to  1844,  £22,943  had  been  expended  in 
the  relief  of  our  poor,  including  education  and  ap- 
prentice fees,  of  which,  X15,070  had  been  raised  by 
subscriptions,  and  the  remainder  derived  from  lega- 
cies, or  the  income  from  investments.  The  report 
also  showed  that  a  sum  of  £335  had  been  inad- 
vertently allowed  to  pass  into  current  expenditure ; 
and  a  subscription  to  that  amount  being  at  once 
raised,  the  proceeds  were  invested.  I  may  refer 
likewise  to  a  printed  account,  prepared  by  the  com- 
mittee appointed  to  manage  the  Somersetshire 
charities,  as  showing  that  in  that  count}',  there  has 
been  a  conscientious  discharge  of  the  different 
trusts.  The  committee  of  charities  to  which  I 
allude,  has  been  held  half-yearly  since  1719,  and 
consists  of  Friends  nominated  by  the  Quarterly 
18 


206 


tanner's  lectures. 


Meeting.  Friends  of  Bristol  and  of  Somersetsliire, 
retained  the  management  of  their  respective  property 
on  their  union  as  one  Quarterly  Meeting,  in  1784. 
In  Somersetshire,  the  income  of  the  charity  estates 
has  been  large  enough  to  supersede  the  necessity 
for  periodical  collections  to  be  made  in  some  of  the 
Monthly  Meetings,  for  the  relief  of  the  poor,  a 
result  which  was  not  contemplated  by  the  donors. 
A  minute  of  the  Quarterly  Meeting  in  1722,  says, 
''The  design  of  our  deceased  worthy  Friends,  our 
benefactors,  was  not  in  their  giving  to  make  void 
the  charity  of  the  living :  let  such  poor  objects  as 
ought  to  have  monthly  pay,  be  taken  care  of  by 
your  collections,  as  have  been  often  recommended ; 
pray  therefore  regard  it."  I  will  not  attempt  to 
show  that  any  particular  injury  has  been  done  to 
those  of  our  Somersetshire  Friends  who  have  in 
this  way  been  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  contri- 
buting to  the  relief  of  their  poorer  brethren ;  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  ordinary  effect  of  such 
deprivation  is  to  destroy  the  habit  of  giving.  A 
curious  instance  of  this  is  mentioned  by  Fuller,  in 
his  "History  of  Dissent,  &c." — that  of  a  dissenting 
congregation  possessed  of  an  endowment  of  £100 
per  annum,  whose  evening  services  had  to  be  aban- 
doned during  the  winter  months,  because  "they 
were  unable  to  raise  money  to  buy  candles,'' 

The  first  collection  for  our  Societ}^  fund,  called 
the  "E'ational  Stock,"  was  made  in  Bristol  in  1669. 
The  minute  states  that,  the  sum  of  X36  :  17  :  6  was 
sent  to  London,  for  "  the  service  of  truth  beyond 


tanner's  lectures. 


207 


the  seas,  which,  with  £21  :  5  :  3  defaulked  for  our 
own  disbursements  relating  to  that  service,  amounts 
to  X64  :  2  :  6."  A  collection  was  made  in  Somer- 
setshire, for  a  like  object,  as  early  as  the  year  1658, 
on  the  recommendation  of  a  meeting  of  Friends  of 
the  northern  counties,  held  near  Skipton.  The  sub- 
scriptions to  the  National  Stock,  from  the  Somer- 
setshire meetings,  in  1722,  amounting  to  £35  : 13 :  6, 
were  returned  to  them  by  the  Quarterly  Meeting  to 
be  increased. 

I  must  reserve  for  a  concluding  Lecture,  some 
further  mention  of  the  early  discipline,  and  devote 
^  the  remaining  space  to  a  reference  to  the  public 
ministry  of  our  early  days.  The  principle  was  from 
the  first  recognised,  by  George  Fox  and  his  brethren, 
that  the  true  call  and  ^qualification  of  ministers  of 
the  Gospel,  can  only  be  received  from  the  Great 
Head  of  the  Church  Himself ;  and  that  the  Church 
has  only  to  judge  of  the  reality  of  the  call,  and  to 
watch  over,  encourage,  and  advise  those  who  are 
entrusted  with  such  a  gift.  Even  the  recognition  of 
ministers  as  such,  in  the  Society  of  Friends,  was 
of  an  indirect  and  informal  character  for  many 
years  after  its  establishment.  Those  who  spoke 
often  were  allowed  to  occupy  a  raised  seat,  but  then, 
as  now,  this  was  adopted  as  a  matter  of  convenience, 
and  not  of  ecclesiastical  distinction  or  superiority. 
As  in  the  case  of  membership,  no  line  of  separation 
was  drawn  between  the  attenders  of  the  congrega- 
tion ;  so,  neither  were  those  who  spoke  as  ministers 
formally  recognised  as  such.    Before  long  it  was 


208 


tanner's  lectures. 


found  needful  to  give  certificates  of  membership  to 
those  who  removed  from  one  meeting  to  another ; 
and  about  the  same  time,  a  necessity  was  felt  for 
giving  similar  credentials,  to  those  who  left  their 
homes  to  travel  in  the  service  of  the  Gospel.  An 
indirect  recognition  was  given  in  many  instances, 
in  this  and  in  other  ways,  both  of  membership,  and 
of  the  ministerial  character:  but  in  regard  to  the 
latter,  as  well  as  to  the  former,  it  may  be  said,  that 
more  than  a  hundred  years  had  elapsed  after  the 
establishment  of  meetings  for  discipline,  before 
formal  recognition  was  adopted. 

This  circumstance  renders  it  more  difficult  than 
it  would  otherwise  be,  to  judge  of  the  number  of 
the  first  ministers  :  but  there  is  no  doubt  it  was  very 
large.  Robert  Barclay  states^  that,  in  the  early 
times  of  the  Society,  there  was  scarce  any  meeting 
in  which  God  did  not  raise  up  some  or  other  to 
minister  to  his  brethren ;  and  that  there  were  few 
meetings  altogether  silent.  In  Bristol  and  Somer- 
setshire there  is  to  be  found,  in  the  records  of  our 
meetings,  incidental  mention  of  many  Friends  who 
were  engaged  in  the  work  of  the  ministry,  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  seventeenth,  and  the  first  half  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  I  believe  there  were  at 
least  twelve  men  Friends  so  engaged  at  one  period 
in  Bristol,  and  an  equal  number  in  the  middle  divi- 
sion of  Somersetshire.  The  amount  of  vocal  service 
in  the  meetings  here  seems  indeed  to  have  been 
greater  than  was  profitable  to  some;  and  in  1678, 


'  Apology,  Prop,  ix,,  Sec.  ix. 


tanner's  lectures. 


209 


and  again  in  1698,  a  proposal  was  made  for  the  esta- 
blishment of  a  silent  meeting,  to  be  held  on  First- 
day  afternoons,  •which  any  who  were  inclined  might 
attend.  In  one  instance  the  experiment  was  tried 
for  a  short  time.  I  am  inclined  to  think,  that  the 
number  of  men  engaged  in  the  ministry  was  much 
greater  in  proportion  to  that  of  women  than  is  now 
the  case,  as  far  at  least  as  Bristol  and  Somerset  were 
concerned :  I  have,  however,  already  mentioned  the 
names  of  several  women  who  were  so  engaged; 
and  an  important  part  of  that  recognition  of  the 
freedom  of  the  Gospel,  to  which  the  early  Friends 
were  led,  consisted  in  their  leaving  the  way  open 
for  the  exercise  of  spiritual  gifts,  whether  they  were 
bestowed  on  sons  or  on  daughters. 

The  number  of  religious  visits  received  from 
Friends  from  a  distance,  was  verj-  large.  I  was  told 
by  the  late  Jacob  Player  Sturge,  that  he  had  ex- 
amined a  book  belonging  to  one  of  the  Gloucester- 
shire meetings,  in  which  an  account  was  kept  of  the 
charges  for  the  horses  of  Friends  who  came  to  visit 
them ;  and  that  the  number  of  visits  averaged  one 
a  fortnight  for  many  years  in  succession.  There  are 
entries  in  our  Bristol  minutes,  of  charges  for  "  horse 
meat,"  which  lead  me  to  think  that  the  number  who 
visited  Bristol  was  at  least  as  large.  It  may  seem 
strange  to  bring  the  statistics  of  oats  consumed,  to 
bear  on  such  a  question  ;  but  I  must  mention,  that 
a  bill  brought  to  the  Bristol  meeting,  for  oats  sup- 
plied for  the  horses  of  ministering  Friends,  was  for 
thirty-six  bushels  and  a  half,  in  a  year  and  a  quar- 
18*  0 


210 


tanner's  lectures. 


ter;  and  from  the  sums  paid  in  other  years,  it 
would  appear  that  this  was  not  an  unusual  quantity. 
Although  the  principle  of  giving  freely  that  which 
had  been  freely  received,  was  from  the  first  recog- 
nised by  the  Society,  it  was  also  felt  that  another 
principle  laid  down  by  our  Saviour,  and  by  the 
apostle  Paul,  that  those  who  had  left  their  homes  in 
the  service  of  the  Gospel  were  entitled  to  support, 
must  not  be  overlooked :  but  as  our  first  ministers 
travelled  on  horseback  from  place  to  place,  little 
more  was  required,  in  this  way,  than  "entertain- 
ment for  man  and  beast."  The  expenses  connected 
with  the  needful  outfit^  &c.,  for  such  journeys,  was 
sometimes  greater  than  those  who  were  engaged  in 
them  could  well  bear.  The  following  was  a  minute 
of  the  west  division  Monthly  Meeting,  in  1708  :  — 
"  Whereas  our  Friend  John  Reeves  has  been  con- 
cerned to  labour  and  travel  in  the  work  of  the 
ministry,  which  proving  chargeable  to  him  beyond 
his  ability,  this  meeting  do  order  that  30s.  of  the 
money  received  last  Quarterly  Meeting  be  paid  him, 
for  or  towards  his  expenses." 

The  earliest  certificates  which  I  have  met  with,  for 
ministers  travelling  in  this  part  of  the  country,  were 
not  issued  by  the  meetings  to  which  the  ministers 
belonged,  but  by  Friends  among  whom  they  had 
been  travelling.  One  of  these,^  dated  1655,  was  sent 
by  Friends  of  Bristol  in  behalf  of  Edward  Burrough 
and  Francis  Howgill,  who  were  then  travelling  in 
Ireland.    This  document  was  sent  to  Ireland  from 

'  In  the  possession  of  James  Tanner,  of  Portslieatl. 


tanner's  lectures. 


211 


hence,  in  consequence  of  certain  calumnies  with 
which  these  ministers  had  been  assailed.  It  certifies 
whomsoever  it  may  concern,  that  "  Francis  Howgill 
and  Edward  Burrough  are  not  vagabonds  or  disor- 
derly persons,  or  popishly  affected,  or  disaftected  to 
godliness  —  but  are  natives  of  Kendal,  in  Westmore- 
land, where  hath  been  their  constant  abode  (except 
in  the  warrs  and  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel),  and  are 
well  known  to  the  writers  to  have  been,  and  to  be 
men  of  a  sober,  honest,  and  godly  conversation,  al- 
ways faithful  to,  and  active  for  the  Commonwealth, 
and  are  of  a  settled  principle  in  religion  ;  sound  in 
the  faith,  having  Jesus  Christ,  the  liock  of  Ages,  for 
their  foundation,  in  obedience  to  whom  they  have 
borne  their  testimony  in  this  nation,  at  London  for 
several  months,  and  in  this  city  of  Bristol,  and  in 
divers  other  parts  of  this  nation,  having  free  liberty, 
travelling  up  and  down  and  preaching  the  Gospel 
freely,  according  to  the  example  of  the  saints  recorded 
in  the  Scriptures  of  truth."  It  is  further  certified 
that  their  going  to  Ireland  was,  in  obedience  to  the 
Lord,  to  bear  witness  to  the  eternal  truth,  and  that 
they  went  with  the  consent  of  the  Church.  Another 
certificate^  is  dated  Exon,  the  third  of  the  eleventh 
month,  1682,  and  is  on  behalf  of  Thomas  Taylley, 
"who,"  it  says,  "arrived  in  England,  after  his  cap- 
tivity in  Algiers,  about  two  or  three  weeks  since,  and 
was  landed  at  Dartmouth."  Friends  of  Exeter  state, 
that  he  had  since  been  among  them  in  the  service  of 
truth,  and  was  passing  thence  to  London,  desiring 

'James  Dix's  manuscripts. 


212 


TANNEIl's  LECTUEES. 


to  visit  Friends  on  his  journey,  and  being  a  stranger 
and  not  knowing  where  to  find  Friends,  or  how  the 
meetings  lie,  they  ask  for  him  the  assistance  and 
direction  of  his  Friends  from  place  to  place.  This 
document  was  signed  by  eleven  Friends  (among  other 
names,  is  that  of  William  Hingston).  In  the  second 
month  of  1698,  William  Penn,  who  was  then  resi- 
dent in  Bristol,  applied  to  the  Men's  Meeting  for  a 
certificate  to  visit  Ireland.  The  minute  states,  that 
"  William  Penn  having  signified  to  this  meeting  his 
intention  shortly  to  go  for  Ireland,  desires,  according 
to  the  good  order  established  among  Friends,  to  have 
a  certificate."  Five  Friends  were  accordingly  ap- 
pointed to  prepare  it.  In  some  instances  these  docu- 
ments were  brought  to  the  meeting  and  signed  by 
Friends  present,  in  others  the  Friends  who  prepared 
them  were  left  to  sign  them.  This  w^as  compara- 
tively unimportant,  as  the  first  certificates  simply 
stated  that  the  Friends  on  whose  behalf  they  were 
given,  were  of  orderly  conduct,  and  that  their  min- 
istry was  approved.  There  was  a  certificate  granted 
to  Samuel  Bownas,  by  the  south  division  of  Somer- 
set, in  1707,  for  a  visit  to  Ireland,  in  which  Friends 
say,  that  they  "  have  good  unity  with  him  in  this 
undertaking."  (They  speak  of  him  as  "  our  w^ell- 
beloved  Friend  and  labourer  in  the  Gospel,  for  the 
good  of  souls.")  But  for  many  years  after  this,  the 
certificates  given  in  Bristol  w'ere  restricted  to  a  state- 
ment of  the  conduct  and  ministry  of  the  Friend  being 
of  a  satisfactory  character.  Sometimes  the  early 
meetings  appointed  committees  to  make  inquiry  on 


I 


taxxer's  lectures.  213 

tliese  poiuts,  before  granting  a  certificate;  but  they 
do  not  appear,  generally  speaking,  to  have  deliberated 
on  the  particular  proposals  of  religious  service  made 
to  them  from  time  to  time.  Indeed  these  were  often 
expressed,  as  by  AVilliam  Penn,  by  the  word  "  inten- 
tion." "Having  an  inclination^  to  visit,"  &c.,  was 
a  common  expression  in  the  Somersetshire  minutes. 
Samuel  Bownas  used  the  word  "  concern."  In  1726, 
he  obtained  a  certifi.cate  from  the  Quarterly  Meeting 
of  Somerset,  to  visit  America,  in  which  it  is  said, 
that  he  having  been  a  well  approved  minister,  and 
for  a  considerable  time  a  member  of  this  meeting,  in 
which  station  we  have  reason  to  value  his  repeated 
services,  do  order  a  certificate  to  be  drawn  accord- 
ingl}^,  manifesting  our  continued  good  esteem  and 
unity,  &c.,  and  our  approbation  and  earnest  suppli- 
cation for  a  blessing  on  his  said  journey  and  labour 
of  love." 

It  is  probable  that  in  Somersetshire,  as  in  Bristol, 
some  oversight  of  the  ministry  was  undertaken  by 
the  committee  to  which  I  have  referred,  as  having 
been  appointed  to  exercise  private  and  preliminary 
discipline.  In  1714,  the  following  minute  was  adopt- 
ed by  the  south  division  Monthly  Meeting:  "  Ofl-ered 
to  the  consideration  of  this  meeting  by  our  ancient 
friend,  EHas  Osborne,  whether  it  would  not  be  pro- 
per to  offer  to  our  next  Quarterly  Meeting,  viz.  — 
That  forasmuch  as  we  have  several  Friends  in  our 
county  that  appear  (in)  public  a  little  sometimes, 
whose  welfare  and  prosperity  therein  we  truly  desire, 

'  See  a  similar  use  made  of  the  word  "  inclination"  in  the  ex- 
tract from  C.  Marshall.  —  First  Lecture,  p.  12. 


214 


tanner's  lectures. 


whether  it  may  not  be  proper  for  all  the  public 
Friends  in  our  county,  to  have  a  select  meeting  to 
wait  upon  the  Lord  together,  and  unbosom  ourselves 
to  each  other;  (and)  whether  the  day  before  each 
Quarterly  Meeting  may  not  be  a  convenient  time. 
This  meeting  have  unity  with  the  proposition,  and 
do  agree  to  lay  it  before  the  next  Quarterly  Meet- 
ing." This  proposal  was  agreed  to  by  the  Quarterly 
Meeting,  and  the  ''select"  meeting  accordingly  es- 
tablished. It  was  constituted  of  Friends  appointed 
each  quarter  by  the  respective  Monthly  Meetings, 
and  when  in  1727,  other  Friends,  under  the  designa- 
tion of  elders,  were  chosen  to  unite  with  the  minis- 
ters in  these  meetings,  and  to  take  the  special  over- 
sight of  the  ministry,  the  selection  seems  to  have 
been  made  by  their  appointment  to  attend  such 
meetings,  rather  than  by  any  formal  recognition.  In 
Bristol  also,  the  ministers  who  formed  part  of  the 
committee  on  discipline,  felt  the  need  of  more  free 
conference  among  themselves,  and  for  many  years 
they  were  accustomed  to  meet  together  every  Seventh 
Day  afternoon.  On  these  occasions  they  agreed  what 
meetings  they  w^ould  attend  on  the  following  day. 
The  book  containing  these  arrangements,  which  I 
have  examined,  is  ruled  in  three  columns,  for  the 
Friars,  Temple  street,  and  the  country  meetings. 

One  of  the  queries  received  from  the  Yearly 
Meeting  in  1700,  was  as  to  the  number  of  ministers 
who  had  died  during  the  year ;  and,  in  answering 
it,  the  meetings  sometimes  gave  a  short  notice  of 
deceased  Friends.    The  following  is  the  Somerset- 


tanner's  lectures. 


215 


shire  answer  for  1718:  "One,  viz.,  John  Peddle, 
junior.  He  was  a  young  man  in  good  esteem  with 
us,  growing  in  the  gift  of  the  ministry.  "We  ques- 
tion not  but  he  have  received  a  good  reward  of 
eternal  life,  among  the  sanctified.  We  might  en- 
large, but  do  favour  brevity."  The  first  notice  I 
have  found  of  the  longer  documents,  known  as  tes- 
timonies,  which  our  meetings  for  discipline  have 
been  accustomed  to  issue  from  time  to  time,  in 
regard  to  deceased  ministers,  is  in  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  minute  of  1711,  directing  a  testimony  to 
be  prepared  for  John  Banks.  Traditionary  mention 
of  this  Friend  is  still  made  at  Street,  where  he 
ended  his  days ;  and,  until  latel}',  there  might  be 
seen,  in  the  low  cottage  room  in  which  Friends' 
meetings  were  then  held,  the  beam  of  the  ceiling,  a 
portion  of  which  had  been  cut  away,  that  John 
Banks,  who  was  a  tall  man,  might  stand  to  preach. 
He  was  a  native  of  Cumberland,  and  born  in  1648. 
His  parents  had  given  him  a  careful  training,  and, 
having  received  seven  years'  instruction  at  school, 
he  became  a  teacher  himself  at  fourteen  years  of 
age.  In  connection  with  another  school,  to  which 
he  removed  a  year  later,  he  undertook  to  read  the 
Scriptures  and  Homilies  on  First-days,  in  a  chapel- 
of-ease,  for  which  service  he  was  to  receive  a  shilling 
a-year  and  a  fleece  of  wool,  from  each  family  attend- 
ing his  services  (besides  a  shilling  per  quarter  for 
each  of  his  twenty-four  scholars)."  But  having  been 
brought  to  much  serious  thoughtfulness,  and  led  to 
adopt  the  views  of  Friends,  vrhen  about  sixteen 


216 


tanner's  l  e  c  t  u  h  i:  s  . 


years  of  age,  he  gave  up  his  reading,  and  refused  to 
receive  the  stipukited  payment.  He  was  a  member 
of  Pardshaw  meeting  for  upwards  of  forty  years,  a 
great  part  of  which  time  was  spent  in  repeated  jour- 
neys through  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  His  faith- 
fuhiess  involved  him  in  imprisonment  and  hardships 
of  various  kinds.  In  1696,  he  came  into  the  west, 
and  settled  at  Meare,  from  whence  he  removed  to 
Street,  in  1708.  It  is  said  of  him  in  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  testimony,  "He  was  a  man  very  zealous  to 
the  last,  to  spread  the  Gospel ;  and  in  all  his  exer- 
cises and  afflictions,  he  had  the  honour  of  God  and 
good  of  his  people  in  his  eye.  He  devoutly  la- 
boured in  his  gift,  and  being  an  able  minister  of 
Christ,  was  instrumental  both  to  gather  and  confirm 
many  souls  in  the  truth."  In  William  Penn's  pre- 
face to  John  Banks's  Journal,  he  speaks  of  having 
known  him  above  forty-four  years,  and  of  his  having 
been  "an  ordinance  of  strength"  to  his  "soul,  in 
the  early  days"  of  his  own  "  convincement."  He 
says  of  him,  that  he  was  "  a  heavenly  minister  of 
experimental  religion,  of  a  sound  judgment  and 
pious  practice,  valiant  for  truth  upon  the  earth,  and 
ready  to  serve  all  in  the  love  and  peace  of  the 
Gospel."^ 

In  1720,  the  Quarterly  Meeting  issued  a  testimony 
concerning  Elias  Osborne,  the  Friend  to  whom  I 
have  already  referred.  The  following  are  extracts 
from  it.  "  He  was  a  man  excellently  gifted  in  the 
ministry,  in  which  he  laboured  with  great  diligence 

'  See  Journal  of  the  life  of  J.  Banks. 


T  A  N  X  E  II '  S    L  K  C  T  U  11  E  S  .  217 

and  good  success."  "His  doctrine  and  pious  ex- 
ample in  all  his  conduct  was  of  eminent  service 
among  us,  and  being  endued  with  a  good  under- 
standing naturally,  he  was  qualified  for  service  in 
cases  of  difference,  often  interposing  as  a  mediator 
to  the  reconciling  of  discord.  And  being  just,  pru- 
dent, and  skilful  in  such  affairs,  he  acquired  great 
reputation  and  honour  amongst  all  sorts  of  people," 
"  Of  a  singular  good  disposition  (he  was)  not  apt  to 
give  way  to  hard  thoughts,  though  sometimes  he 
had  cause  for  it ;  and  if  he  heard  anything  not 
right  of  a  brother,  or  neighbour,  the  first  oppor- 
tunity he  would  take  the  freedom  of  speaking  his 
mind  to  the  party  concerned,  with  (such)  candour, 
and  caution  as  at  once  (to)  bespeak  him  to  be  an 
overseer  indeed,  not  lording  over  the  greatest  or 
least  offender;  but  in  meekness  and  sincerity  la- 
bouring that  things  amiss  might  be  mended.  In 
his  ministry  he  was  very  exemplary,  tenderly  re- 
garding the  service  of  strangers  that  travelled 
amongst  us  in  the  work  of  the  Gospel,  by  giving 
way  to  them.  In  our  meetings  of  business  he  was 
of  great  service,  and  great  condescension  to  his 
brethren,  guarding  on  the  one  hand  against  an 
undue  liberty,  and  on  the  other,  that  under  a  pre- 
tence of  zeal,  no  private  and  bye  ends  might  be 
gratified."  "  Charitable  and  open-hearted  in  dis- 
tributing, and  (in)  entertaining  strangers,  faithful  in 
his  testimony  in  all  respects ;  a  good  husband,  a 
tender  father,  and  kind  neighbour:  in  a  word  he 
19 


218 


tanner's  lectures. 


was  a  great  and  good  man,  of  whom  we  have  much 
loss,  but  our  loss  is  his  great  gain." 

There  were  other  ministers  living  at  this  time,  of 
whom  I  may  have  something  to  say  next  month ; 
and  there  were  others  who  were  called  hence  at  a 
still  earlier  period,  of  whom  but  little  mention  has 
been  made.  I  must  not  now  attempt  to  supply  this 
deficiency ;  but  I  may  refer  to  two  of  the  early  suf- 
ferers from  the  Bristol  persecutions :  Barbara  Blag- 
don,  who  travelled  extensively  as  a  minister,  and 
suffered  much ;  and  Josiah  Coale,  who  endured 
great  sufiering  and  privation  in  Kew  England,  and 
other  parts  of  America,  where  he  travelled  as  a 
minister  of  the  Gospel.  He  finished  his  course  in 
peace  at  the  age  of  thirty-five.  Then  there  was 
Jasper  Batt,  of  Street,  one  of  the  earliest  of  our 
ministers  in  the  west  of  England ;  and  Christopher 
Bacon,  another  Somersetshire  Friend,  who,  from 
having  been  a  soldier  in  the  army  of  Charles  the 
First,  was  brought  to  engage  in  a  better  warfare. 
After  labouring  much  as  a  minister,  and  enduring 
great  persecution,  he  died  from  the  eflects  of  impri- 
sonment. 

We  might  look  in  vain  among  these  devoted  men 
and  women  for  perfect  examples  or  infallible  teach- 
ers ;  but  there  were  many  faithful  labourers  in  that 
day,  whose  example  calls  loudly  upon  us  to  follow 
them,  as  they  followed  Christ. 


THIRD  LECTURE, 

Delivered  Ath  Month,  Sth,  1858. 


It  was  my  intention  to  have  omitted  the  word 
"early"  in  the  title  of  this  concluding  Lecture  on 
the  history  of  Friends  in  Bristol  and  Somersetshire, 
and  to  have  occupied  this  evening  chiefly  with  a 
notice  of  what  may  be  called  the  middle  age  of  our 
religious  Society ;  but  having  been  obliged,  by  want 
of  space,  to  leave  out  of  the  last  Lecture  several 
matters  of  interest  connected  with  the  earlier 
period,  I  must  endeavour  to  supply  these,  before 
passing  to  the  consideration  of  later  events  and  cir- 
cumstances. No  one  can  be  more  sensible  than  I 
am  that  the  words  "imperfect  sketch,"  which  were 
used  in  reference  to  the  account  given  of  the  perse- 
cutions of  Friends,  is  quite  as  applicable  to  the  re- 
presentations which  I  have  attempted  to  make  of 
their  first  gathering  as  a  religious  Society,  of  the 
circumstances  in  which  the  members  were  placed, 
and  of  the  attempts  which  were  made  to  supply 
that  need  for  Christian  discipline  which  has  been 
felt  by  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  every  age. 

Having  already  entered  into  some  particulars  in 
relation  to  the  care  of  the  poor  and  the  performance 

(219) 


220 


tanner's  lectures. 


of  other  charitable  duties,  I  must  now  make  a 
further  reference  to  the  mode  of  dealing  with  delin- 
quents in  the  early  days  of  our  Society.  That  mode 
was,  I  believe,  thoroughly  Christian,  as  respects 
both  the  order  of  the  proceedings,  and  the  spirit  in 
which  they  wxre  conducted.  The  chief  object  kept 
in  view  was  to  reclaim,  not  to  cut  off.  When 
private  labour  failed,  the  case  was  reported  to  the 
Meeting  for  Discipline,  the  offender  was  invited  to 
attend,  and,  if  needful,  a  Committee  was  appointed 
to  labour  with  him.  The  terms  made  use  of  in 
such  appointments  were  sometimes  very  expressive. 
Two  or  more  Eriends  were  desired  to  go  and  visit 
such  an  one  "  in  love  to  his  soul,  and  admonish  him 
to  repent  and  turn  to  his  first  love,  and  testify 
against  his  evil;''  or  "in  the  fear"  or  "love  of 
God or  "  in  love  or  tenderness or  "  to  discourse 
with  him  lovingly,  and  give  account  how  they  find 
him;"  or  "to  speak  with  him  in  abundance  of  love, 
and  endeavour  to  make  him  sensible  of  his  out- 
going." If  such  a  visit  was  declined,  another 
attempt  was  ordered  to  be  made ;  and  sometimes, 
when  one  Committee  had  failed  in  its  object, 
another  was  appointed. 

The  patience  and  forbearance  exercised  in  some 
of  these  cases  are  very  remarkable.  In  the  instance 
of  a  Friend  of  Minehead,  who  was  disowned  by  the 
Quarterly  Meeting  of  Somerset  for  receiving  impro- 
priate tithe,  to  which  he  had  become  entitled  in  his 
wife's  right,  years  of  labour  were  bestowed  before 
the  decision  was  come  to.    In  1701  he  is  reported 


tanner's  lectures. 


221 


as  saying  "he  conld  not  justif}^  himself,  and  would, 
one  way  or  other,  seek  to  give  Friends  some  satis- 
faction." The  Committee  are  then  desired  to  ask 
him  "in  what  manner  he  will  do  it?"  In  1703 
they  were  to  "  let  him  know  that  Friends  cannot 
always  bear  with  him."  Again,  being  requested  to 
return  a  positive  answer,  he  replied  that  he  would 
write  to  the  meeting ;  but  no  letter  being  received, 
he  was  to  be  told  that  "  Friends  would  no  longer  be 
put  off."  The  Committee  at  length  reported  that 
they  "did  not  find  him  like  to  answer,"  and  he  was 
thereupon  disowned. 

Those  who  on  being  visited  expressed  regret  for 
their  misconduct  were  asked  to  draw  up  a  declara- 
tion or  testimony  of  their  repentance ;  and  if  this 
was  considered  satisfactory,'  they  were  desired  to 
read  it  at  the  close  of  a  Meeting  for  Worship,  as  an 
evidence  of  their  sincerity.  In  other  cases,  in 
which  the  meeting  had  to  draw  up  a  testimony,  this 
document  was  also  read  at  the  close  of  a  Meeting 
for  Worship.^  In  cases  of  disownment  for  marriage 
out  of  the  Society,  a  copy  was  sometimes  ordered 
to  be  sent  to  the  priest  by  whom  the  parties  had 
been  married ;  and  a  Friend  who  had  acknowledged 
himself  guilty  of  intemperance  was  desired  to  fur- 
nish a  list  of  all  places  and  houses  in  which  his  con- 
duct had  been  an  occasion  of  reproach,  in  order 
that  a  copy  of  his  declaration  of  repentance  might 
be  sent  to  each  of  them.  Amons:  the  declarations 
of  repentance,  copied  in  a  book  kept  by  the  Bristol 

*  This  practice  was  continued  till  1801. 
19* 


tanner's  lectures. 


Meeting  for  that  purpose,  is  one  from  Hannah  Salter 
(late  Stringer),  in  reference  to  the  part  she  had 
taken  as  one  of  the  followers  of  James  Najlor.  It 
is  not  clear  in  all  cases  whether  the  testimony  issued 
on  account  of  misconduct  amounted  to  a  depriva- 
tion of  membership.  I  have  met  with  one  instance 
in  which  a  second  testimony  w^as  issued,  because  the 
first  was  not  clear  on  this  point ;  and  another  in 
which  it  was  repeated,  because  the  individual  had 
continued  to  attend  meeting  —  his  conduct  being 
still  bad.  The  testimonies  of  disunion  generally 
concluded  then,  as  now,  with  some  expression  of 
good  desire  for  the  offender,  such  as  that  he  might 
"come  to  a  true  and  living  sense  of  his  condi- 
tion," &c. 

One  feature  common  to  many  of  these  docu- 
ments cannot,  however,  be  referred  to  with  the  like 
satisfaction :  they  contain  expressions  which  could 
only  be  considered  correct,  on  the  supposition  that 
the  Society  of  Friends  w^as  occupying  exclusively 
the  position  of  the  one  true  Church.  The  percep- 
tion was  not  wanting  to  the  early  Friends,  that  true 
believers  were  they,  who,  in  the  words  of  George 
Fox,^  "  were  born  of  God,  and  were  passed  from 
death  to  life,"  under  whatever  name  they  might  be 
known  among  men :  but  believing  as  they  did,  that 
the  Eeformation  had  failed  of  its  fall  accomplish- 
ment as  respects  the  surrounding  sects ;  and  recog- 
nising too,  in  many  of  these,  that  spirit  of  persecu- 
tion which  is  so  inconsistent  with  the  Christian 


'  Journal,  p.  5. 


tanner's  lectures. 


223 


character,  they  were  perhaps  too  often  led  to  enter- 
tain the  idea,  that  all  the  sincere-hearted  of  other 
denominations  would  be  brought  to  join  their  own 
standard  of  profession ;  and  to  speak  of  themselves 
in  terms  appertaining  to  the  whole  Israel  of  God : 
this  remark  applies  also  to  some  of  the  printed 
books  of  that  period.  In  one  of  the  controversies 
in  which  Friends  of  Bristol  were  involved,  and  of 
which  an  account  is  given  in  a  pamphlet  published 
in  1665,  the  question  is  put  to  George  Bishop,  by 
an  opponent,  "  What  do  you  mean  by  this  phrase, 
'My  people?'  Do  you  by  that  intend  only  those 
of  your  own  opinion  and  party?  If  so,  why  are 
you  only  to  be  esteemed  the  people  of  the  Lord  ?'* 
George  Bishop's  answer  was  clear  and  full.  "I 
answer,  by  'My  people,'  or  'the  people  of  the 
Lord,'  we  do  understand  all  such  in  every  nation, 
kindred,  and  people  who  fear  the  Lord;  be  they 
known  or  distinguished  by  whatsoever  name  or  ap- 
pellation. They  who  fear  God  and  work  righteous- 
ness are  accepted  of  Him ;  as  Peter  said  in  the  case 
of  Cornelius,  who  was  converted  to  the  faith,  who 
was  before  a  Gentile,  and  without  the  law;  and  so 
the  Jews  had  no  conversation  with  such  till  after 
Jesus  was  offered  up,  who  broke  down  the  middle 
wall  of  partition  that  was  between,  having  abolished 
in  His  flesh  the  enmity,  even  the  law  of  command- 
ments contained  in  ordinances,  for  to  make  in  Him- 
self one  new  man,  so  making  peace.  So  that  when 
we  say  'My  people,'  or  'the  people  of  the  Lord,'  we 
restrain  it  not  to  any  sort,  or  particular  company, 


224 


tanner's  lectures. 


or  society  of  men,  but  to  such  as  fear  the  Lord  as 
aforesaid."  It  is  evident  that  the  opposition  which 
Friends  at  first  experienced  from  the  surrounding 
sects,  was  but  Uttle  calculated  to  lead  them  to  judge 
favourably  of  those  bodies ;  but  as  persecution  de- 
clined, it  is  refreshing  to  observe  a  better  feeling 
springing  up.  We  find  John  Whiting,  for  example, 
holding  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Wells ;  the  Bishop  listening  respectfully 
to  his  statements  and  opinions,  and  inviting  him  to 
dine  with  him  whenever  he  came  to  Wells. 

The  most  frequent  causes  of  disownment  in  our 
early  days,  appear  to  have  been  the  being  married 
by  a  priest  to  a  person  not  attending  our  meetings, 
and  intemperance  in  drinking.  The  practice  of  the 
Society  in  regard  to  the  first,  was  not  uniform;  in 
1739  the  Middle  Division  adopted  the  following 
minute:  " Inasmuch  as  we  are  now  in  the  practice 
of  disowning  persons  that  have  been  in  unity  with 
us,  for  going  to  the  priest  to  be  married,  and  upon 
inquiry  we  find  that  others  are  not  in  the  same 
practice,  it  is  agreed  to  apply  to  the  Quarterly  Meet- 
ing about  the  same."  What  answer  was  given 
does  not  appear,  but  in  1755,  John  Clark,  the  ances- 
tor of  the  present  Clark  family  of  Street,  &c.,  was 
retained  in  membership  on  his  expressing  regret,  in 
a  letter  to  the  Monthly  Meeting,  for  the  manyier  in 
which  he  had  been  married,  his  wife  being  also 
looked  upon  as  a  member  from  the  time  of  marriage, 
and  attending  the  meetings  of  Friends  with  him. 
In  that  instance,  the  chief  objections  to  such  mar- 


T  A  X  ^'  E  R  '  S  LECTURES. 


225 


riages  were  obviated :  John  Clark  not  having  with- 
drawn from  his  religious  profession,  or  been  involved 
in  those  differences  of  religious  sentiment  which  are 
so  important  to  be  avoided  by  those  who  enter  on 
the  close  relationship  of  marriage. 

Great  as  are  at  present  the  evils  of  intemperance, 
there  is  reason  to  believe  they  were  still  greater  in 
the  times  of  which  I  am  speaking.  The  testimony 
afforded  by  national  statistics  is  necessarily  imper- 
fect, but  it  is  a  significant  fact,  that  the  quantity  of 
malt  annually  used  in  England  at  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  for  the  manufacture  of  beer, 
was  from  twenty-two  to  twenty-three  million  bushels,^ 
whilst  in  the  excise  year  ending  in  1856,  the  quantity 
was  under  thirty-two  million  bushels.  The  increase 
in  the  population  in  the  intervening  period,  was 
probably  not  less  than  as  three  to  one,  whilst  that 
of  malt  used  in  making  beer,  was  less  than  one  and 
a  half  to  one.  AVe  must  not  however  overlook  the 
extent  to  which  ardent  spirits  have  been  substituted 
for  beer.  I  cannot  say  how  far  the  reduction  of 
which  I  speak,  is  due  to  the  introduction  of  unin- 
toxicating  drinks,  such  as  tea  and  coffee,  or  how 
much  of  it  is  due  to  the  labours  of  temperance 
societies.  I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  total 
abstinence  from  the  use  of  all  intoxicating  drinks, 
as  beverages,  is  the  course  which  should  be  pursued 
by  those  who  wish  to  see  the  evils  of  intemperance 
still  further  diminished.  It  appears  to  me  that  the 
Society  of  Friends  has  derived  great  benefit  from 

^Pictorial  History  of  England,  Vol.  IV.  p.  842. 
P 


226 


tanner's  lectures. 


the  extent  to  which  its  members  have  adopted  it, 
and  that  its  further  adoption  would  be  helpful  alike 
to  ourselves  and  to  the  cause  of  temperance.  But 
I  also  think  that  this  question  comes  within  the 
range  of  that  Christian  liberty,  with  which  no 
Church  authority  ought  to  interfere. 

I  must  not  omit  the  following  minute  of  the  Bris- 
tol Men's  Meeting,  under  date  of  the  twenty-sixth 
of  the  second  month,  1675.  "  The  persons  who 
were  appointed  to  speak  with  Peter  Hawkins,  have 
given  an  account  of  their  care  over  him.  And 
Friends  do  further  request  the  same  persons,  or  any 
two  of  them,  to  advise  Peter  Hawkins  not  to  sell 
ale  any  longer  than  to  dispose  of  what  he  hath,  for 
that  they  do  judge  that  Peter  Hawkins  his  selling 
ale  is  contrary  to  the  truth."  It  is  needful  to  lay 
the  emphasis  on  the  w^ord  "his"  in  this  minute,  for 
I  find  from  a  more  private  record  of  the  case,  that 
the  charge  brought  against  him,  and  on  which 
indeed  he  was  afterwards  disowned,  was  that  of 
keeping  a  disorderly  house.  Two  other  such  charges 
are  made  about  the  same  time,  against  attenders  of 
meetings,  —  one  in  Bristol,  and  the  other  in  the 
West  Division.  There  is  a  curious  minute  of 
Frenchay  Monthly  Meeting,  in  1702,  which  states 
that  report  was  made  that  some  Friends  had  been 
visited  for  selling  ale,  and  had  promised  when  they 
had  sold  all  the  ale  in  the  house,  and  w^hat  more 
the  malt  would  make  which  they  had  by  them,  they 
would  give  over  selling  ale,  except  at  fairs.  This 
exception  as  to  fairs  seems  rather  lax,  but  it  pro- 


TANNEil'S  LECTURES. 


227 


bably  refers  to  the  liberty  granted  to  the  inhabitants 
of  certain  towns,  to  open  their  houses  as  places  of 
entertainment  at  fair  times. ^ 

In  reference  to  the  general  proceedings  of  the  first 
Meetings  for  Discipline,  two  things  strike  me  as 
worthy  of  imitation:  the  love  and  forbearance  shown 
towards  delinquents,  and  the  uncompromising  adhe- 
rence to  all  that  was  felt  to  be  right  and  true.  We 
may  think  them  mistaken  in  some  of  their  conclu- 
sions, as  in  the  matter  of  disownment  for  receiving 
and  paying  impropriate  tithes,  and  for  the  marriage 
of  second  cousins  (I  forbear  to  speak  of  some  other 
like  questions,  which  are  under  consideration) ;  and 
their  decrees  were  not  intended  to  be  like  those 
of  the  Medes  and  Persians  i  but  we  have  much 
to  learn  from  them,  if  I  mistake  not,  as  respects 
their  fearless  adherence  to  what  they  believed  to  be 
right.  Expedienci/  was  a  word  almost  unknown  to 
them.  The  question  of  whether  a  certain  course 
would  be  politic  or  impolitic,  was  foreclosed  by  the 
consideration  whether  it  was  right  or  wrong. 

Friends  in  Somersetshire  were  involved  in  some 
difficulty  in  1685,  by  the  circumstances  attendant  on 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  rebellion.  There  were, 
indeed,  more  reasons  than  one  why  Friends  were 
less  likely  than  most  others  to  be  implicated  in  that 
movement.  Their  testimony  against  all  wars  and 
fightings,  their  steady  loyalty,  and  the  benefits  which 
they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  James  the  Second, 

'  The  bush  hung  over  the  door  as  a  sign  that  such  accommo- 
dation was  provided,  probably  gave  rise  to  the  proverb,  that 
"  Good  wine  needs  no  bash/' 


228 


tanner's  lectures. 


all  coospired  to  prevent  it.  Macaula}^,  iri  writing  of 
the  first  year  of  James's  reign,  says  that  the  Quakers 
had,  in  spite  of  much  ill-usage,  submitted  themselves 
meekly  to  the  royal  authority  :  and  that  no  Quaker 
had  ever  had  a  libel  on  the  Government  traced  to 
him,  or  been  implicated  in  any  conspiracy  against 
the  Government.  An  instance  of  the  loyalty  mani- 
fested by  Friends  in  early  times,  is  mentioned  by 
Thomas  Garrard,  in  his  ''Life  and  Times  of  Edward 
Colston."  He  mentions  that  on  the  occasion  of  the 
visit  paid  to  Bristol  by  Charles  the  Second  and  his 
Queen,  in  1663,  the  city  treasury  was  empty ;  and 
that  a  number  of  the  citizens  consented  to  join  in 
lending  the  amount  necessary  to  provide  for  the 
royal  visitors.  Among  others  he  mentions  that 
"  Thomas  Speed  and  George  Bishop,  two  highly  re- 
spected members  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  pre- 
sented, in  the  name  of  the  Society,  a  loan  of  £100 
for  the  purpose  of  augmenting  the  fund,  '  that  their 
Majesties  might  be  entertained  in  a  style  and  man- 
ner becoming  their  dignity,  and  the  proverbial  hos- 
pitality of  the  city,  in  its  most  palmy  days.'  "  ^ 

In  regard  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  position. 
Friends  in  Somersetshire  were  early  on  their  guard. 
John  Whiting,  who  was  a  prisoner  at  Ilchester  in 

1  Page  241,  Garrard  states  that  Sir  John  Knight  received  his 
title  on  that  occasion,  and  that  shortly  afterwards  he  sent  both 
Thomas  Speed  and  George  Bishop  to  prison.  Thomas  Speed  was 
a  member  of  the  Town  Council,  as  appears  from  the  following 
extract  from  the  city  records,  given  me  by  Francis  Fry:  —  "At 
a  General  Sealing  28th  September,  1685,  was  sealed  a  discharge 
to  Mr.  Thomas  Speed,  from  the  Common  Council  and  other 
offices." 


tanner's  lectures. 


229 


1680,  writes  as  follows:  —  ''In  the  sixth  month  of 
this  year  came  down  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  in  his 
progress  in  the  west,  and  came  through  Ilchester 
with  ,some  thousands  on  horseback  attending  him  ; 
the  country  flocking  to  him  and  after  him  ;  the  eyes 
of  the  nation  being  upon  him  and  towards  him,  as 
the  hopes  and  head  of  the  Protestant  interest  at  that 
time,  in  opposition  to  the  Duke  of  York  and  Popish 
party ;  so  that  the  affections  of  the  people  run  ex- 
ceedingly after  him.  We  stood  in  the  Friary-gate 
as  he  rode  through  the  town ;  and  as  he  passed  by, 
taking  notice  of  so  many  Quakers  together  with 
their  hats  on,  he  stopped  and  put  off  his  hat  to  us; 
and  one  Friend,  John  Anderdon,  had  a  mind  to 
speak  to  him,  and  tell  him  that  we  loere  lorhonerB  for 
conscience-sake,  but  had  a  stop  in  his  mind,  lest  there 
should  be  an  ill  use  made  of  it,  in  applying  to  him 
and  making  him  too  popular:  the  Court  having  a 
watchful  eye  over  him.  However  we  could  not  but 
have  a  respect  to  him  for  his  affability,  and  therefore 
were  the  more  concerned  for  him  when  his  fall 
came."  ^ 

J^otwithstanding  the  caution  observed  by  Friends 
in  regard  to  the  Duke's  proceedings,  and  their  well- 
known  loyalty  and  peaceableness,  unfavourable  re- 
ports were  put  in  circulation,  and  some  of  these 
having  reached  Whitehall,  and  become  known  to 
Friends  in  London,  they  addressed  a  letter  of  in- 
quiry to  the  Ilchester  prisoners,  who  seem  to  have 
acted  the  part  of  a  standing  committee  on  behalf  of 

^  Memoirs,  p.  05. 

20 


230 


tanxek's  lectures. 


Friends  of  Somersetshire.  Their  reply,  signed  l)y 
Jasper  Batt  and  others,  is  dated  the  first  of  sixth 
month,  1685.  It  speaks  in  decided  terms  of  the 
general  clearness  of  Friends  from  an}^  participation 
in  the  Duke's  insurrection,  and  mentions  the  circum- 
stance of  one  of  his  officers  having  come  to  llchester 
"  and  released  several  prisoners  that  were  detained 
on  his  account,  and  the  Quakers  also,"  and  "strictly 
charged  the  keeper  no  more  to  detain  them,  and 
highly  threatened  him  if  he  did.  But  the  so-called 
Quakers  took  no  advantage  of  that  liberty,  but  con- 
tinued prisoners  as  formerly."  It  is  remarked  that 
some  Friends  had  rendered  themselves  liable  to  sus- 
picion, by  their  having  followed  the  army  to  look 
after  the  horses  and  oxen  which  had  been  taken  from 
them  by  the  Duke's  soldiers,  and  that  other  Friends 
in  travelling  to  their  markets,  &c.,  had  encountered 
detachments  of  the  army.  Several  cases  are  men- 
tioned of  persons  joining  the  Duke's  forces  who  had 
at  one  time  been  known  as  Friends,  but  who  had 
sometime  before  been  disowned  on  account  of  their 
intemperance  or  dishonesty.  And  there  is  an  allu- 
sion made  to  one  or  two  persons  still  known  as 
Friends,  who  had  been  more  or  less  compromised 
by  their  proceedings  in  connection  with  the  late 
rebellion. 

Another  document  was  prepared  by  Friends  of  the 
counties  of  Somerset,  Devon,  and  Dorset,  for  presen- 
tation to  the  Government,  disclaiming  all  approval 
of  the  late  insurrection,  or  participation  in  it.  They 
speak  of  a  public  meeting  of  Friends,  held  near 


T  A  N  N  !•]  R  '  S    L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S  . 


231 


Taunton^  the  same  day  on  which  the  Duke  marched 
thither,  in  which  it  was  "  testified  by  the  said  people, 
that  whatever  our  sufferings  were  we  must  not  ex- 
pect deliverance  by  the  arm  of  flesh,  but  look  unto 
the  Lord  from  whom  our  salvation  comes,  and  who 
will  not  save  us  by  sword  nor  spear,  but  by  his  own 
Spirit.  And  therefore  our  Friends  were  warned  not 
to  concern  themselves  in  this  war,  (and)  all  unani- 
mously consented  thereunto."  This  paper  concludes 
with  an  expression  of  Friends'  resolution  to  perse- 
vere in  their  peaceable  principle  and  profession, 
through  the  assistance  [they  say]  of  our  God,  while 
we  have  a  being  in  these  earthly  tabernacles,  in  the 
full  assurance  that  when  the  testimony  is  finished, 
and  this  mortal  life  ended,  we  shall  have  a  dwelling 
place  in  the  kingdom  of  glory,  which  Christ  Jesus 
hath  prepared  for  us,  and  purchased  us  unto  his  own 
blood,  by  whom  only  we  expect  to  enjoy  the  same, 
when  we  shall  rest  from  our  labours  and  sufferings, 
and  give  glory  to  our  God  and  His  Lamb,  who  is 
worthy  of  honour  and  dominion  for  ever. — Amen." 
This  "  testimony  "  was  sent  to  the  Meeting  for  Sufier- 
ings,  together  with  a  number  of  certificates,  granted 
to  Friends  by  the  churchwardens  and  others  in  dif- 
ferent parishes  in  which  they  resided,  setting  forth 
their  clearness  of  participation  in  the  late  insurrec- 
tion.2  A  letter  from  George  AYhitehead,  dated  Lon- 
don, the  twenty-second  of  the  sixth  month,  1685, 

^This  was  probably  the  Quarterly  Meeting  at  Gregory  Stoke, 
mentioned  by  J.  Whiting,  p.  226. 

'Copies  of  these  certificates  are  preserved  among  James  Dix's 
MSS. 


232 


tanner's  LECTUJIE 


acknowledges  the  receipt  of  these  documents,  and 
intimates  that  they  will  shortly  be  laid  before  the 
King.  He  mentions  that  the  unfavourable  impres- 
sion which  the  Court  had  received  was  wearing  off, 
but  recommends  Friends  to  clear  themselves  as  far 
as  they  can  to  the  magistrates  in  their  respective 
neighbourhoods,  and  at  the  same  time  to  be  careful 
not  to  charge  particular  persons  by  name,  as  hav- 
ing taken  part  in  the  rebellion,  ''though  they  be 
apostates." 

Three  cases  are  recorded  by  the  Somersetshire 
Meetings,  of  persons  connected  with  the  Society  who 
had  taken  more  or  less  part  in  the  rebellion.  A 
graphic  account  is  given  by  John  Whiting,^  of  his 
going  to  Taunton,  w^hilst  the  Duke  was  there,  to 
endeavour  to  induce  one  of  these  persons,  Francis 
Scott,  who  had  followed  the  army  in  the  hope  of 
selling  some  horses,  to  return  home.  Another  case, 
which  attracted  still  more  attention,  was  that  of 
Thomas  Plaice,  of  Edington,  against  whom  a  testi- 
mony was  issued  by  the  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Somer- 
set, in  the  seventh  month,  1685.^  It  states,  that 
"  whereas  the  said  Thomas  Plaice  did  appear  very 
active  and  conversant  in  the  late  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth's army,  &c.,  though  not  in  arms.  Now,  in 
consideration  thereof,  we  do  on  behalf  of  the  people 
called  '  Quakers,'  testify  and  declare  that  we  utterly 
disown  the  aforesaid  practices  of  the  said  Thomas 
Plaice,  and  that  he  is  greatly  revolted  and  backslid- 
den from  and  turned  out  of  the  way,  which  the  said 

•"Memoirs  of  J.  W.,"  &c. 

2  ^  copy  is  preserved  among  J.  Dix's  MSS. 


tanner's  lectures. 


233 


people  still  own  and  walk  in,"  &c.  This  document 
concludes  as  follows,  "And  for  any  others  that  have 
formerly  made  a  profession  of  truth,  our  principle 
and  way  as  afore  declared,  and  have  taken  up  arms, 
or  assisted  with  horse,  money,  or  ammunition  in  the 
late  war,  we  do  testify  that  therein  they  are  turned 
from  the  said  w^ay  and  principle,  and  are  disowned 
by  us;  are  gone  from  our  Christian  Society,  and 
cannot  again  be  owned  by  us,  but  as  the  Lord  may 
give  them  time  and  space  of  repentance,  and  they 
repent  accordingly."  The  case  of  Francis  Scott  was 
dealt  with  by  the  West,  and  a  third,  that  of  J.  Hel- 
lier,  of  Mark,  by  the  Middle  Division  Monthly  Meet- 
ing. None  of  these  parties  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Judge  Jefferies,  the  selection  of  whose  victims  seems 
to  have  been  a  very  random  one. 

Almost  the  whole  of  Somersetshire  was  implicated 
in  these  sad  transactions,  and  many  traditions  of  the 
brutal  executions  which  followed  the  "  bloody  As- 
sizes," still  exist  in  that  county.  One  of  these,  often 
mentioned  by  the  late  Mary  Follet,  of  South  Brent, 
referred  to  an  ancestor  of  her  own  (not  a  Friend) 
who  resided  at  Bridgwater.  He  and  others  secreted 
themselves  for  some  time  in  a  cave,  where  his  wife 
and  child^  were  in  the  habit  of  visiting  him  by  night. 
Their  place  of  concealment  being  discovered,  they 
were  apprehended  and  executed.  The  selection  of 
the  two  hundred  and  thirty-nine  prisoners  whom 
Jefferies  left  for  execution,  was  made  from  thirty-six 
different  places  in  Somersetshire. 

'  This  child  was  Mary  Follet's  great-grandmother. 
20* 


234 


tanner's  lectures. 


The  relief  from  severe  persecution  which  had  been 
granted  to  Friends  through  the  dispensing  power 
exercised  by  James  the  Second,  was  secured  to  them 
in  a  more  satisfactory  and  constitutional  manner,  on 
the  accession  of  William  and  Mary,  by  the  passing 
of  the  Toleration  Act,  and  other  measures  of  a  like 
kind.  The  principal  remaining  cause  of  grievance 
Avas  the  ruinous  processes  to  which  they  w^ere  sub- 
jected for  the  recovery  of  ecclesiastical  demands,  and 
in  connexion  with  which  a  number  of  cases  of  severe 
imprisonment  occurred  in  the  early  part  of  the  last 
century. 

Some  of  the  disabilities  consequent  on  the  refusal 
to  swear  have  been  continued  to  the  present  gene- 
ration ;  but  Friends  were  relieved  from  the  suffering 
in  which  their  refusal  of  the  oath  of  allegiance  had 
involved  them,  by  the  1st  of  William  and  Mary. 
Another  Act,  passed  in  the  reign  of  William  the 
Third,  allowed  our  members  to  use  a  form  of  affir- 
mation instead  of  an  oath,  on  most  occasions  on 
which  the  law  required  the  taking  of  an  oath.  This 
first  form  of  affirmation,  which  continued  in  use 
until  the  year  1721,  when  a  more  simple  declaration 
was  substituted  for  it,  was  as  follows :  —  "I,  A.  B. 
do  declare  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  the 
witness  of  the  truth  of  w^hat  I  say."  It  need  not 
occasion  an  surprise,  that  Friends  should  have 
been  divided  in  opinion  as  to  whether  these  words 
constituted  an  oath  or  not.  The  Yearly  Meeting 
in  London  gave  the  following  excellent  advice  on 
the  subject:  "That  Friends  be  charitable  one  to 


T  A  N  N  E  Pw '  S  LECTURES. 


235 


another  about  it :  they  that  can  take  it  (are)  not  to 
censure  or  reproach  them  that  cannot;  and  those 
that  cannot  (are)  to  use  the  like  caution  with  regard 
to  those  who  can."^  From  their  correspondence 
with  the  Meeting  for  Sufferings  on  the  subject, 
Friends  in  Bristol  appear  to  have  felt  no  objection 
to  the  first  form  of  affirmation,  and  to  have  desired 
that  no  attempt  to  obtain  an  alteration  should  be 
made,  lest  the  liberty  already  granted  should  be 
endangered. 

The  history  of  this  case  of  conscience  affords  an 
example,  which  should  not  be  lost  on  the  Society 
of  Friends,  of  the  extent  to  which  those  who  are 
agreed  in  the  adoption  of  a  principle  may  differ  as 
to  the  manner  in  which  they  ought  to  support  it.  I 
believe  I  shall  never  forget  the  powerful  reference 
made  to  this  subject  by  the  late  Samuel  Tuke,  in 
the  Yearly  Meeting  of  1848.  The  grounds  of 
Christian  unity  were  laid  down  by  him  on  that 
occasion,  in  a  most  truly  catholic  manner.  He 
showed,  among  other  things,  that  whilst  that  unity 
does  not  always  bring  men  to  see  eye  to  eye,  it  pre- 
pares them  to  bear  one  with  another  in  their 
differences ;  and  he  illustrated  this  position  by  a  re- 
ference to  the  differences  of  opinion  w^hich  arose 
among  the  Apostles  themselves,  and  to  the  difficulty 

*  I  find  this  expression  quoted  in  a  manuscript  book  of  the 
advices  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  Pennylvania  and  New  Jersey, 
which  was  sent  by  John  Churchman  to  John  Player  of  Tocking- 
ton,  and  is  now  in  the  possession  of  his  daughters,  Fanny  and 
Mary  Player.  Thomas  Story  sufi"ered  eighteen  months'  im- 
prisonment, because  he  could  not  use  the  first  form  of  affirmation. 

P 


236 


TAN  nek's  lectures. 


under  which  our  early  Friends  laboured  for  nearly 
forty  years  in  determining  what  constituted  an  oath. 
I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  listened  to  a  discourse  of 
which  I  should  be  so  glad  to  possess  a  verbatim 
report. 

Proceedings  in  relation  to  marriage  occupied,  ap- 
parently, more  time  in  the  first  Meetings  for  Dis- 
cipline than  most  of  their  other  duties.  There 
were  few  things  in  which  the  Christian  boldness  of 
George  Fox  and  his  associates  was  more  exemplified 
than  in  the  affair  of  marriage.  One  of  the  usurp- 
ations of  ecclesiastical  authority  on  the  part  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  had  been  that  of  representing 
marriage  as  a  sacrament^  and  of  requiring  all  who 
would  obtain  legal  validity  to  such  an  union  to 
apply  to  the  priest  to  solemnize  it.  That  the  chief 
object  of  this  arrangement  was  that  the  priest 
should  obtain  his  fees,  was  further  shown  by  the 
circumstance  that,  whilst  the  Canon  Law  proscribed 
the  marriage  of  near  relations,  the  income  of  the 
priest  was  still  further  augmented  by  the  many  pay- 
ments made  to  him,  in  consideration  of  his  setting 
aside  such  restrictions.  Now,  although  the  Church 
of  England  had  renounced  the  error  of  accounting 
marriage  as  a  sacrament,  its  ministers  were  generally  ^ 
looked  upon  in  the  days  of  George  Fox  (and  are  so 
still  by  many  persons)  as  the  only  parties  by  whom 
marriage  could  be  rightly  solemnized.  So  strong- 
was  the  belief  that  legal  validity  could  not  be 

'  In  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth,  marriages  sometimes 
took  place  before  magistrates. 


tanner's  lectures. 


237 


obtained  for  a  marriage  contract  by  any  other 
means  than  by  going  "  to  church"  to  be  married, 
that  Eoraan  CathoHcs  and  Protestant  dissenters  re- 
sident in  England,  were  alike  accustomed,  up  to  a 
very  recent  time,  to  waive  whatever  objection  they 
might  have  to  employing  a  minister,  or  submitting 
to  the  marriage  ceremony  of  the  Church  of  England. 
It  was  no  common  responsibility  which  rested  on 
George  Fox  when  he  counselled  his  Erionds  not  to 
do  anything  of  the  kind,  but  to  proceed  simply  in 
this  affair  of  marriage,  as  in  everything  else,  in  the 
fear  of  God,  and  in  single  dependence  on  His 
blessing.  It  seems  to  me  that  if  a  temporising  spirit 
had  found  any  place  in  his  mind,  he  would  have 
given  way  on  this  question  of  marriage,  on  the  plea 
that  the  clergyman  might  be  applied  to  as  the  per- 
son appointed  by  Government  to  perform  the  mar- 
riage ceremony  without  any  admission  of  his  spiri- 
tual claim ;  and  if  he  had  done  so,  who  can  say  that 
the  legal  sanction  given,  under  the  act  of  18B7,  to 
other  marriages  besides  those  of  the  Church  of 
England,  would  not  have  been  indefinitely  post- 
poned ?  Eew  men  have  practically  reversed  Paley's 
doctrine,  that  whatever  is  expedient  is  right,"  so 
corapletel}^  as  George  Fox.  He  believed  that  in  the 
affairs  of  marriage,  as  in  other  things,  the  ministers 
of  the  Church  of  England  set  up  a  claim,  against 
which  he  was  called  to  testify.  And  if  he  did  stop 
to  count  the  cost,  and  to  consider  what  the  conse- 
quences might  be  to  himself  and  to  his  brethren, 


238 


tanner's  lectures. 


there  are  certainly  no  symptoms  of  doubt  or  hesita- 
tion to  be  observed  in  his  words  or  actions. 

His  belief  on  this  subject,  as  declared  by  him  on 
difterent  occasions,  was,  that  man  had  no  authority 
to  join  others  in  marriage  —  that  neither  the  priests 
under  the  law,  nor  the  lirst  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
exercised  any  such  function  ;  that  it  was  God  who 
joined  man  and  woman  in  marriage  before  the  fall, 
and  that  this  is  still  His  prerogative,  &c.  So  early 
as  the  year  1658,  he  issued  a  paper  of  advice  to 
Friends  who  were  contemplating  marriage,  to  lay 
their  intentions  "  before  the  faithful  in  time,  before 
anything  was  concluded,  and  afterwards  publish  it 
in  the  end  of  a  meeting,  or  in  a  market."^ 

The  question  of  the  validity  of  Friends'  marriages 
was  raised  on  one  occasion  before  Chief  Justice 
Hale,  who  said  that  ^'  he  thought  it  reasonable,  and 
consistent  with  natural  rights  and  the  precepts  of 
the  Gospel,  that  all  marriages  made  according  to 
the  several  religious  persuasions  of  the  parties  ought 
to  be  valid  in  law."  Other  judges  expressed  a 
similar  opinion  on  different  occasions ;  but  it  was 

*  Journal,  p.  395.  —  An  original  letter  of  George  Fox's, 
^vritten  whilst  the  subject  of  marriage  was  under  his  considera- 
tion, has  been  kindly  lent  me.  It  is  addressed  to  Kichard 
Kichardson,  schoolmaster,  Wheeler  Street,  London.  Geo.  Fnx 
says — "Now,  dear  R.  R.,  I  desire  that  thou  would  search  all  tlie 
libraries  concerning  marriages,  and  what  they  do  say  of  them  ; 
and  the  Fathers,  and  how  they  did  before  the  monks  first  came 
in;  and  when  marriage  with  the  priest  came  in;  and  search 
histories  and  laws,  and  see  what  thou  canst  bring  out,  both 
good  and  bad;  and  what  maketh  a  marriage  —  and  do  what 
thou  canst  in  this  thing,''  &c. 


T  A  N  N  E  r'  S  LECTURES. 


239 


not  until  the  passing  of  the  Act  introduced  by  Lord 
Campbell  in  1847,  that  the  marriages  contracted  by 
Friends  prior  to  the  Marriage  Act  of  1837,  received 
the  positive  sanction  of  statute  law.^  In  1707, 
more  than  fifty  years  after  the  first  solemnization 
of  marriage  in  the  Society,^  the  Meeting  for  Sufier- 
ings  advised  Friends  to  make  their  wills  in  such  a 
way  as  not  to  raise  the  question  of  the  validity  of 
their  marriages.  It  was  recommended  that  in  such 
documents  the  wife  should  be  described  by  her 
maiden,  as  well  as  by  her  married  name,  &c. 

There  is  no  reference  to  the  consent  of  parents  in 
the  earlier  Bristol  minutes  in  relation  to  marriage, 
and  the  meeting  seems  only  to  have  concerned  itself 
with  the  question  of  the  orderly  conduct  of  the  par- 
ties, and  with  such  publication  being  made  before 
the  marriage  as  might  aflbrd  an  opportunity  for  any 
one  to  object  who  had  a  right  to  do  so.  In  the 
eighth  month  of  1669,  George  Fox  and  Margaret 
Fell,  the  widow  of  Judge  Fell,  declared  their  inten- 
tion of  marriage  to  the  Bristol  Meeting,  and  on  that 
occasion  several  of  Margaret  Fell's  children,  who 
were  present,  expressed  in  strong  terms  their  ap- 
proval of  the  proposed  union.  This  may,  perhaps, 
have  suggested  to  Friends  here  the  propriety  of 
ascertaining  in  other  cases  that  the  consent  of  pa- 
rents was  given.  At  all  events  such  consent  began 
to  be  recorded  soon  afterwards.    It  is  also  possible 

*  Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Chief  Justices,  Vol.  I.  p.  558. 

2  The  first  marriage  registered  by  Friends  in  Bristol  took 
place  in  1G57. 


240 


tannee's  lectures. 


that  in  the  conscientious  care  manifested  b}^  George 
Fox  not  to  interfere  with  the  pecuniary  interests  of 
the  former  marriage,  may  have  originated  the  care 
which  Friends  here  also  began  to  take  shortly  after 
to  secure  the  like  benefit  in  other  cases.  In  the 
form  of  the  certificate  agreed  to,  marriage  is  spoken 
of  as  "  God's  ordinance."  During  the  time  of  the 
last  persecution  in  Bristol,  publications  of  marriage 
were  frequently  made  at  Newgate  and  Bridewell, 
the  regular  meetings  for  worship  being  closed.  The 
2}7nsons  ma}^,  indeed,  be  said  to  have  been  places  of 
worship  in  those  days.  The  regular  holding  of  the 
Meetings  for  Discipline  w^as  also  often  interrupted. 
Sometimes  they  w^ere  held  in  private  houses,  w^ord 
being  left  with  the  prisoners  where  the  meeting 
would  be  held,  that  Friends  who  wished  to  ascer- 
tain it  might  do  so  by  calling  at  the  prison. 

In  many  cases  the  publication  of  the  marriage 
was  the  only  means  taken  to  ascertain  whether  any 
obstruction  existed  to  its  solemnization :  but  when 
the  parties  making  application  were  but  little  known 
to  the  meeting,  or  had  been  guilty  of  disorderly  con- 
duct, committees  were  appointed  to  make  inquiry 
respecting  them.  There  w^as,  for  the  most  part,  a 
disposition  shown  to  form  a  charitable  judgment  of 
such  applicants;  and  in  some  cases  in  which  their 
conduct  would  not  permit  of  their  being  recognised 
as  Friends  by  being  allowed  to  marry  at  meeting, 
an  intermediate  course  was  adopted,  as  appears  by 
the  following  minute  of  the  Two-weeks  Meeting  in 
Bristol,  in  1687 Whereas  A.  B.  and  C.  D.  have 


TANNERS 


LECTURES. 


241 


signified  at  a  former  meeting  their  intention  of 
marriage,  and  desire  to  accomplish  the  same  in  the 
way  and  manner  of  Friends :  but  inasmuch  as  we 
find  that  the  young  man  have  not  walked  as  a 
Friend,  convinced  of  the  truth  which  we  profess, 
but  rather  so  contrary  thereunto,  as  that  we  have 
not  freeness  to  countenance  their  marriage  in  the 
meeting,  in  the  way  and  manner  of  Friends :  yet, 
forasmuch  as  we  do  not  find  but  that  they  may  be 
clear  from  all  other  persons  in  relation  to  marriage, 
and  that  they  may  have  their  parents'  consent,  we 
do  not  see  meet  to  concern  ourselves  to  obstruct  or 
hinder  them;  but  shall  leave  them  either  to  wait 
longer,  for  our  better  satisfaction,  or  to  consummate 
the  same  as  soon  as  they  please,  amongst  such 
Friends  as  may  be  free  to  be  present  thereat:  or 
otherwise,  as  they  shall  see  meet."^  In  the  year 
1700  such  a  case  occurred,  in  which  the  parties  were 
allowed  to  marry  "  before  witnesses  in  the  meeting- 
house." 

^  Among  James  Dix's  manuscripts  is  a  report  of  a  committee 
appointed  in  1674  to  consider  what  course  should  be  adopted  in 
certain  cases,  in  which,  though  the  conduct  of  the  parties  had 
been  disorderly,  the  meeting  might  wish  to  avoid  casting  them 
oflF,  and  leaving  them  "  open  to  the  temptation  of  going  to  the 
priests"  to  be  married.  That  committee  recommended  that  if 
in  such  cases  Friends  were  satisfied  of  the  penitence  of  the  par- 
ties, the  marriage  should  be  allowed  to  be  solemnized  before 
witnesses ;  and  that  a  testimony  to  be  issued  by  Friends  against 
their  misconduct,  together  with  the  declaration  of  their  repent- 
ance, and  the  certificate  of  their  marriage,  should  be  copied 
together  in  the  book  containing  the  declarations  of  repentance 
sent  by  delinquents  to  the  Men's  Meeting. 

21  Q 


242 


tanner's  lectures. 


There  are  repeated  instances  of  another  kind 
recorded  both  in  the  Bristol  and  Somersetshire 
minutes,  in  which  parties  to  whom,  on  account  of 
their  misconduct,  the  permission  to  marry  at  meet- 
ing had  been  denied,  persisted  nevertheless  in  doing 
so.  Expressions  of  regret  from  those  who  had  pre- 
pared  or  signed  certificates  in  such  cases,  w^ere  often 
recorded  in  the  minutes.  It  is  obvious  that,  unless 
care  had  been  taken  to  repress  irregularities  of  this 
kind,  there  would  soon  have  been  an  end  to  the 
orderly  character  of  our  marriage  proceedings.  In 
the  Yearly  Meeting's  epistle  of  1730,  such  proceed- 
ings are  spoken  of  as  being  "of  a  clandestine  na- 
ture," and  are  accordingly  advised  against. 

In  1692,  a  minute  was  adopted  by  the  Bristol 
Two-weeks  Meeting,  requiring  the  parties  who  ap- 
'  plied  for  leave  to  be  married,  to  appear  a  second 
time  before  the  meeting,  to  declare  their  intention 
of  marriage.  The  object  of  this  was,  "fo  ennure 
them  in  speaking;''  complaint  having  been  made 
that  on  marriage  occasions  the  parties,  and  espe- 
cially the  women,  often  spoke  so  low  that  what  they 
said  could  not  be  "understood  by  half  the  meet- 
ing;" so  that  many  Friends  were  "not  free  to  sub- 
scribe as  witnesses"  to  the  marriage  certificate.  In 
the  early  part  of  the  last  century,  the  practice  was 
adopted  by  the  Somersetshire  meetings,  of  appoint- 
ing two  Friends  to  attend  marriages,  to  see  that 
they  were  conducted  in  an  orderly  manner;  but 
this  practice  was  not  adopted  in  Bristol  until  1756. 
Among  the  early  reports  given  to  the  Somersetshire 


T  A  X  X  E  R  '  S  LECTURES 


243 


meetings,  by  Friends  so  appointed,  I  find  the  fol- 
lowing :  "  It  was  well,  for  what  they  saw."  "  Pretty 
well  considering  the  mix'd  multitude."  "Indif- 
ferent." "  The  people  were  very  orderly,  and  things 
were  well."  In  1695,  an  intention  of  marriage  is 
recorded,  in  the  Bristol  minutes,  between  ^Mlliam 
Penn  and  Hannah  Callowhill,  daughter  of  Thomas 
Callowhill,  of  Bristol :  and  the  publication  of  their 
marriage  was  reported  to  the  Men's  Meeting  in  the 
twelfth  month  of  that  year.  In  1697,  William  Penn 
removed  with  his  family  to  Bristol,  where  he  resided 
about  two  years.  A  certificate  of  removal  to  Phila- 
delphia was  granted  him  in  1699,  on  the  occasion 
of  his  going  thither  for  the  last  time.  There  are 
some  others  of  our  Bristol  minutes  in  which  his 
name  occurs,  during  his  residence  here.  In  1697, 
he  was  appointed,  with  other  Priends,  "to  visit  our 
Latin  schools,  and  give  them  counsel  and  advice  as 
they  shall  see  meet:"  and  a  second  minute  appoints 
him,  with  other  Friends,  "to  visit  the  schools  of 
our  Friends'  children,  to  inquire  into  the  order  and 
manners  thereof,  (and)  admonish  against  that  they 
shall  find  amiss."  In  1698,  an  intention  of  mar- 
riage is  recorded  between  William  Penn,  junior, 
son  of  William  Penn,  Esq.,  and  Mary  Jones, 
daughter  of  Charles  Jones,  merchant:  William 
Penn,  and  Mary  Jones's  father  and  grand-parents 
being  present  gave  their  consent.  In  the  second 
month  of  1699,  William  Penn  was  appointed  a  re- 
presentative to  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  London. 
It  was  probably  during  the  period  of  William 


244 


tanner's  Lli:CTURRS. 


Penn's  residence  in  Bristol,  that  he  arranged  the 
building  of  the  streets  to  the  eastward  of  the  Friars' 
premises,  which  still  bear  the  names  of  Philadel- 
phia, Penn,  Ilollister,  and  Callowhill  Streets.  Han- 
nah Callowhill,  the  mother  of  Hannah  Penn,  was  a 
daughter  of  Dennis  Hollister ;  and,  as  the  ground 
on  which  these  streets  were  built  adjoins  the  Friars, 
which  Friends  purchased  of  him,  there  is  but  little 
doubt  that  it  formed  part  of  his  property.  I  believe 
also,  as  the  result  of  an  examination  of  a  map  of 
Bristol,  in  the  office  of  our  city  treasurer,  published 
in  1646,  that  some  of  these  streets  were  built  on  the 
ground  formerly  occupied  by  the  great  orchard,  in 
which  the  larger  meetings  of  Friends  were  at  first 
held.  We  have  in  our  Monthly  Meeting  chest,  the 
lease  for  a  year  of  Pennsylvania,  granted  by  Wil- 
liam Penn  and  his  son,  preparatory  to  the  mortgage 
on  which  several  Friends  of  Bristol  and  other  places 
advanced  them,  in  1708,  the  sum  of  £6,600 :  and 
also  a  trust  deed  relating  to  it. 

It  is  well  known  to  those  who  are  acquainted  with 
the  history  of  William  Penn's  later  years,  what  im- 
portant assistance  was  rendered  him  in  his  unequal 
struggle  with  difficulties  of  various  kinds,  by  the  de- 
votedness  and  sound  judgment  of  his  second  wife. 
He  also  secured  whilst  in  Bristol,  the  services  of  ano- 
ther able  helper,  James  Logan,  whom  he  induced  to 
accompany  him  to  Philadelphia  as  his  secretary.  In 
the  memoir  of  this  remarkable  man,  published  by 
Wilson  Armistead,  he  is  spoken  of  as  possessing  a 
powerful  mind  and  extensive  learning.  Besides 


taxnitr's  lectures. 


245 


being  appointed  secretary  to  the  province,  he  tilled 
with  great  abilit}^  and  integrity  the  offices  of  com- 
missioner of  property,  chief  justice,  and  for  nearly 
two  years,  that  of  governor  of  the  province,  as  secre- 
tary of  the  council.  At  his  death  he  bequeathed  a 
library  of  three  thousand  volumes,  as  a  legacy  to  the 
new  colony.^  There  is  a  remarkable  paper  at  the 
end  of  the  memoir,  drawn  up  by  James  Logan,  and 
addressed  to  himself,  which  affords  instructive  evi- 
dence that  his  varied  and  engrossing  public  duties 
did  not  turn  him  aside  from  that  still  higher  duty 
of  walking  with  God,  from  which  alone  the  ability 
is  derived  for  the  right  discharge  of  our  various 
stewardships. 

The  subject  of  the  education  and  training  of  chil- 
dren in  the  early  da3's  of  our  religious  society,  might 
well  occupy  more  time  and  space  than  can  here  be 
devoted  to  it :  my  observations  must  be  chiefly  con- 
fined to  a  notice  of  our  first  Bristol  and  Somerset- 
shire schools  and  schoolmasters.  To  those  who  wish 
to  pursue  the  subject  farther,  I  would  strongly  re- 
commend a  perusal  of  the  comprehensive  and  able 
statements  upon  this  subject,  contained  in  the  pa- 
pers read  by  the  late  Samuel  Tuke,  before  the  Edu- 
cational Society,  at  Ackworth.  It  is  now  nearly 
twenty  years  since  the  first  of  those  papers  was  read, 
and  having  been  a  witness  of  the  lively  interest  ex- 
cited on  that  occasion,  I  regret  that  they  are  not 
better  known.  I  must  ask  leave  to  refer  to  a  few 
of  the  observations  contained  in  them.  After  speak- 

'  Preface  to  Memoir,  p.  5. 

21* 


246 


tanner's  LECT'URES. 


ing  of  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  memoirs  of  our 
early  Friends,  of  the  beneficial  influence  of  the  reli- 
gious training  then  given,  Samuel  Tuke  says,  "It 
is  not  improbable,  however,  that  some  out  of  the 
very  large  number  who  joined  the  Society  in  early 
times,  mistook  the  real  character  of  the  doctrine 
which  they  professed,  in  regard  to  the  guidance  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  so  as  to  neglect  the  right  use  of 
means  in  the  care  and  improvement  of  their  fami- 
lies; and  George  Fox,  who  may  be  considered  as 
the  organ  of  the  Society  at  that  time,  in  several  of 
his  bold  pastoral  epistles,  reproves  this  neglect  in 
very  strong  terms."  ^  Then  follow  extracts  from 
these  epistles,  commencing  from  1656.  Writing  in 
1669,  George  Fox  says,  "  Some  among  you  breed 
up  your  children  in  such  a  rude,  heady  way,  that 
when  they  grow  up,  they  do  not  matter  you,  nor 
care  for  you :  in  many  things  they  are  worse  than 
many  of  the  world's,  more  loose,  stubborn,  and  dis- 
obedient, so  that  when  they  come  to  be  sent  appren- 
tice, they  run  quite  out  into  the  world."  Ten  years 
later,  George  Fox  writes :  "  'Now  you  having  your 
food  from  Christ  and  God  your  Father,  cannot  you 
train  up  your  children  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  tell 
them  from  whence  you  have  your  good  things,  that 
they  may  come  to  receive  of  all  these  good  things 
from  the  good  God,  and  Christ,  the  treasure  of  wis- 
dom and  knowledge ;  and  that  you  may  say,  the 
children  of  your  children  are  the  crown  of  your  old 

'Paper  read  in  1838,  "Report,  &c.,  of  Friends'  Education 
Society." 


tanner's  lectures.  247 

men  in  the  truth,  and  the  glory  of  their  fathers  in 
God?"  Again,  in  1683,  he  savs,  "It  is  desired  that 
all  Friends  that  have  children,  families,  and  servants, 
may  train  them  up  in  the  pure  and  unspotted  reli- 
gion, and  in  the  nurture  and  fear  of  God;  and  that 
frequently  they  read  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  exhort 
and  admonish  them,  that  every  family  apart  may 
serve  and  worship  the  Lord,  as  well  as  in  public." 
Samuel  Tuke  says  further,  It  would  not  have  been 
surprising  if  the  religious  and  moral  department  of 
the  subject  of  education  had  been  the  only  one  which 
occupied  the  particular  attention  of  George  Fox,  but 
it  was  otherwise.  In  the  year  1667,  in  the  midst  of 
various  trials  and  persecutions,  he  mentions  in  his 
journal  that  he  had  recommended  the  establishment 
of  two  boarding-schools,  one  for  boys  and  one  for 
girls,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  London,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  instructing  them  *  in  all  things  civil  and  use- 
ful in  the  creation.'  This  brief,  but  comprehensive 
phrase,  is  worthy  of  his  large  and  enlightened 
mind." 

I  cannot  undertake  to  decide  how  far  the  fatherly 
expostulations  of  George  Fox  were  applicable  to 
Friends  of  Bristol.  Mention  was  made  in  my  first 
Lecture,  of  the  admirable  constancy  of  the  children 
in  keeping  up  the  meetings  when  their  parents  were 
in  prison  ;  but  at  that  time,  and  for  many  years  af- 
terwards, constant  reference  is  made  to  the  disorderlj'- 
conduct  of  some  of  the  boys,  both  in  meetings  and 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  house  during  meetings  ; 
and  committees  were  appointed  month  after  month 


248 


tanner's  lectures. 


to  repress  these  disorders.  Many  of  these  boys  were 
probably  the  sons  of  those  who  were  but  shghtly,  if 
at  all,  connected  with  the  Society ;  but  in  1701,  a 
paper  was  ordered  to  be  drawn  up  on  this  subject 
and  sent  to  all  families  of  Friends,  "  for  a  caution  to 
them."  Another  minute  warns  Friends,  that  if  they 
neglect  to  restrain  those  under  their  care,  from  the 
folly  and  mischief  practised  during  the  time  of  meet- 
ing, "  they  must  not  take  it  amiss  if  they  find  their 
children  and  servants  in  Bridewell  for  such  offence, 
since  the  Government  is  strict  in  this  case  for  the 
suppression  of  vice  and  looseness." 

The  difiiculties  which  had  to  be  overcome  in  pro- 
moting school  training  among  Friends,  in  the  earlier 
days,  were  by  no  means  slight.  There  was  no  lack 
of  Friends  well  qualified  to  teach  ;  but  those  of  them 
who  were  willing  to  pursue  this  calling  rendered 
themselves  liable  to  prosecution  if  they  did  so ;  and 
in  the  event  of  a  schoolmaster  becoming  a  Friend, 
he  would  also  be  deprived  of  the  support  he  had 
hitherto  received,  by  the  removal  of  pupils  from  his 
school.  Many  of  the  Friends  again  were  too  poor, 
and  too  much  harassed  by  persecution  to  allow  them 
to  contribute  much  towards  the  education  of  their 
children.  Under  these  circumstances  the  expedient 
was  resorted  to,  in  some  meetings,  of  guaranteeing 
a  certain  sum  from  the  funds  of  the  Society;  to 
which  the  condition  was  sometimes  attached,  that 
the  children  of  poor  Friends  should  be  educated  gra- 
tuitously in  the  schools  so  established.  In  1668,  one 
of  the  Bristol  minutes  states  that  a  letter  had  been 


tanner's  lectukes. 


249 


received  from  John  Tappin,  schoolmaster,  signifying 
his  willingness  to  come  and  teach  school  on  such 
terms  and  conditions  for  wages  as  Friends  should 
judge  meet.  The  minute  proceeds,  "It  is  ordered 
that  he  shall  have  £10  per  annum  out  of  the  public 
stock,  in  consideration  whereof  he  is  to  teach  so 
many  of  poor  children  as  shall  be  thought  conve- 
nient by  this  meeting."  In  the  following  month 
these  terms  are  repeated,  with  this  addition  —  ''It 
is  concluded,  that  for  the  present  he  shall  be  allowed 
to  teach  in  this  room,  provided  that  he  be  careful  to 
have  it  made  clean  and  ready  for  meetings  every 
week,  and  such  other  services  of  truth  as  occasion 
may  require." 

The  next  reference  I  find  to  schools,  in  the  Bristol 
minutes,  is  in  1676,  at  which  time  the  Friars'  meet- 
ing-house had  been  erected  :  this  minute  is  as  fol- 
lows, "  It  being  proposed  to  this  meeting,  to  spare 
the  void  room  over  the  meeting-house  to  Lawrence 
Steel,  for  a  school-room,  this  meeting  doth,  with  one 
accord,  give  consent  that  he  shall  have  it  for  the  use 
proposed."  I  take  the  following  particulars  from 
the  account  of  Lawrence  Steel,  related  by  John 
Whiting,  who  speaks  of  him  as  one  whom  he  dearly 
loved,  and  was  well  acquainted  with.  He  w^as  born 
in  London,  in  1644.  His  parents,  who  were  zealous 
Independents,  devoted  him  to  the  ministry  from  his 
birth,  and  spared  no  pains  in  his  education.  Strong 
religious  convictions  led  him  to  seek  for  help  and 
guidance  among  the  Presbyterians,  and  after  that 
among  the  Independents.    Although  not  satisfied 


250 


tanner's  lectures. 


to  occupy  the  position  of  a  public  teacher  among 
them,  he  accepted  a  situation  in  a  gentleman's 
family  in  Dorsetshire,  in  which  he  was  expected  "  to 
tutor  children,  and  pray  and  preach  in  the  family." 
When  the  time  came  for  him  to  receive  his  stipend, 
he  felt  that  it  would  be  wrong  for  him  to  accept 
payment  for  his  religious  services  ;  and  shortly  after- 
wards he  decided  that  he  could  not  continue  to  con- 
duct these  stated  services.  Though  he  had  received 
a  strong  prejudice  against  the  newly  established 
Society  of  Friends,  yet  his  convictions  on  these 
points  being  in  accordance  with  theirs,  he  was  led 
to  make  inquiry  respecting  them.  Having  parted 
from  his  employers  with  feelings  of  mutual  love  and 
regard,  he  returned  to  his  family.  After  attending 
the  meetings  of  Friends  for  twelve  months,  he  spoke 
as  a  minister  among  them,  and  he  afterwards  be- 
came eminent  in  that  calling.  About  three  3'ears 
after  leaving  his  situation  in  Dorsetshire,  he  came 
to  Bristol,  kept  school  "  in  the  great  meeting-house 
at  the  Friars,"  and  was  very  serviceable  in  that  city 
and  the  country  adjacent.  Being  imprisoned  in 
ITewgate,  for  attending  one  of  the  meetings  in 
Bristol,  his  health  became  impaired  by  the  close 
confinement,  and  he  died  not  long  after  his  release, 
in  1684  :  "  laying  down  his  head  in  peace  with  the 
Lord."  John  Whiting  says  further,  "He  was  a 
preacher  of  righteousness  in  that  great  city,  in 
which  he  walked  as  a  stranger  and  pilgrim  on  the 
earth ;  but  hath  finished  his  course,  and  kept  the 
faith,  and  received  the  crown  of  life." 


TAN^^Ell's  LECTURES. 


251 


The  following  mention  of  another  schoolmaster 
is  from  a  minute  made  in  the  fourth  month,  1690: 
"Paul  Moone  acquaints  this  meeting  that  Patrick 
Logan,  a  Friend,  late  of  Ireland,  and  now  at  Lon- 
don—  a  good  scholar,  and  an  apt  schoolmaster  to 
instruct  youth  in  Latin,  &c.,  is  at  present  out  of 
employment,  and,  upon  some  discourse  of  it  among 
Friends  at  London,  is  in  some  expectation  that  he 
may  be  serviceable  to  Friends'  children  in  Bristol, 
upon  consideration  of  which  this  meeting  is  desirous 
to  promote  it,  in  hopes  it  may  be  serviceable  to  our 
youth,"  &c.  Li  the  ninth  month  following  the 
treasurer  was  desired  to  hand  Patrick  Logan  "  £50, 
and  to  pay  Jno.  Harwood's  note  of  carpenter's  work 
for  the  said  school."  There  seems  every  reason  to 
suppose  that  this  Patrick  Logan  was  the  father  of 
James  Logan,  before  mentioned  as  the  Chief  Justice 
of  Pennsylvania.  Wilson  Armistead  states  that 
he  "was  educated  for  a  clergyman,  receiving  the 
benefit  of  a  good  education  in  the  University  of 
Edinburgh,  where  he  received  the  degree  of  Master 
of  Arts.  But  though  educated  for  the  '  Church,' 
and  having  served  some  time  as  a  chaplain,  he  re- 
linquished his  clerical  profession,  and  returned,  to 
L'eland,  where  he  afterwards  joined  in  religious 
Society  with  the  Quakers."  In  1694  another  school- 
master had  to  be  chosen,  and  in  a  minute  on  the 
subject  reference  is  made  to  a  young  man  aged 
twenty -two,  who  had  been  proposed,  a  good  scholar 
for  Greek  and  Latin,  and  a  good  hand  in  writing;" 
but  he  was  thought  too  young,  Friends  "being 


252 


tanker's  l  e  c  t  u  k  e  s  . 


desirous  to  have  a  grave,  sober  man,  his  wife  a  good 
motherly  woman,  fit  to  table,  and  cherish  up  lads, 
and  the  master  able  in  Latin,  writing,  and  mathe- 
matics, if  can  be  had."  James  Logan,  who  appears 
to  have  succeeded  his  father  in  the  care  of  the  school, 
consented  to  continue  it  awhile  longer. 

The  next  appointment  of  a  schoolmaster  took 
place  in  1699  (the  year  of  James  Logan's  removal 
to  Philadelphia),  when  Alexander  Arscott,  who  is 
described  as  "a  scholar  lately  convinced,*' was  es- 
tablished in  the  workhouse  as  master  of  the  school. 
From  the  particulars  of  his  life  given  by  Gough,^  I 
find  that  he  was  born  about  1677.  His  father  was 
a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England,  incumbent 
of  Southmolton,  in  Devonshire,  and  designing  his 
son  for  the  same  vocation  he  sent  him  to  Oxford  to 
complete  his  studies.  Alexander  Arscott  seems  to 
have  felt,  at  an  early  period  of  his  life,  that  he  must 
relinquish  the  prospect  of  worldly  advantage  which 
was  opened  before  him  by  the  education  which  he 
had  received,  and  by  the  expectation  of  preferment 
Avhich  his  father's  connections  and  influence  held 
out  to  him.  The  difiiculty  which  he  experienced  in 
adopting  this  conclusion  was  greatly  increased  by 
the  affectionate  entreaties  with  which  his  parents 
sought  to  divert  him  from  it.  He  wept  with  them 
in  their  distress,  and  his  understanding  became 
clouded  for  a  time  by  doubts  respecting  the  propriety 
of  his  conduct.  But  during  this  season  of  spiritual 
conflict,  he  prayed  earnestly  for  right  direction  ;  and 


1  History  of  the  Quakers,  Vol.  IV.  p.  307. 


tanner's  lectures. 


253 


in  answer  to  his  prayers  the  conviction  was  brought 
home  to  his  mind  that  if  he  would  be  Christ's  dis- 
ciple, he  must  be  willing  to  forsake  father  and 
.  mother  at  His  requirement.  He  had  afterwards  the 
satisfaction  of  finding  his  parents  more  reconciled 
to  the  change ;  and  his  interest  with  Friends 
enabled  him  to  become  serviceable  to  other  members 
of  his  family,  by  procuring  them  situations.  Alexan- 
der Arscott  came  to  Bristol  when  he  was  about 
twenty-two  years  of  age  ;  and  his  subsequent  course 
must  have  convinced  Friends  that  they  did  well  to 
waive  the  objection  which  was  expressed  in  a  former 
case  to  engaging  so  young  a  man.  Not  only  as  an 
instructor  of  children,  but  in  the  work  of  the  minis- 
try to  which  he  received  a  call ;  by  his  zeal  for  up- 
holding Christian  discipline  in  a  Christian  spirit;  as 
well  as  by  means  of  the  sound  judgment  and  difiu- 
sive  benevolence  which  gave  him  a  high  position 
among  his  fellow-citizens  in  general,  he  appears  to 
have  exerted  an  influence  for  good  which  continued 
to  be  felt  till  the  period  of  his  decease.  He  died 
in  1737,  in  the  sixty-first  year  of  his  age,  in  a 
peaceful  frame  of  mind. 

Passing  into  Somersetshire,  we  find  in  the  Quar- 
terly Meeting  minutes  of  1697,  a  reference  to  an 
epistle  received  from  Friends  in  London  on  the 
subject  of  education,  &c. :  and  in  the  following  year 
Long  Sutton  having  been  proposed  as  a  suitable 
situation  for  a  school,  John  Banks,  Jasper  Batt,  and 
Elias  Osborne,  were  desired  "  to  act  for  the  procur- 
ing a  schoolmaster,  and  to  let  him  know  for  en- 
22 


2r)4  tanner's    L     (]  T  U  11  E  s . 

couragement,  that  if  there  do  not  scholars  enough 
come  to  him  to  make  up  £20  per  annum,  that 
Friends  of  this  county  ^Yill  make  up  so  much  as 
doth  fall  short,  for  two  years,  so  that  he  may  be  sure 
of  £20  per  annum  for  two  years."  At  the  following 
Quarterly  Meeting  it  was  mentioned  that  the  Friends 
so  appointed  "  did  desist  the  matter,  finding  there 
was  an  objection  did  arise  in  the  north  division  of 
this  county:  doubting  how^  the   place  proposed 
might  agree  with  their  children's  health ;  and  they 
noAV  proposing  Sidcot  for  the  setting  up  of  the 
school,  this  meeting  consents  that  it  may  be  there." 
In  the  fourth  month,  1699,  the  following  minute 
occurs:  "William  Jenkins,  of  Hertford,  pursuant 
to  an  invitation  from  Friends  of  this  county,  olfer- 
ing  himself  to  this  meeting  for  a  schoolmaster,  and 
he  being  approved  of  as  one  fit  for  that  employ- 
ment, have  agreed  with  him  for  two  years,  to  com- 
mence from  the  first  of  sixth  month,  next,  viz.  For 
teaching  Greek,  Latin,  writing,  and  arithmetic, 
after  the  rate  of  30s.  per  annum.    For  teaching 
reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic,  after  the  rate  of 
20s.  per  annum.    To  reside   at  Sitheott,  a  very 
healthy,  serene  air,  about  twelve^  miles  from  Bris- 
tol, in  the  road  to  Exon.    Friends  of  this  county  to 
assure  him  as  many  scholars  as  will  amount  to  X30 
per  annum,  for  teaching.    That  £9  per  annum  is 
proposed  for  boarding  as  many  scholars  as  he  shall 
board."    In  the  following  year,  subscriptions  were 
brought  in  from  the  difi:erent  Monthly  Meetings,  to 

^  The  miles  "were  long  in  those  days. 


T  A  X  N  E  r'  S  LECTURES. 


255 


defray  the  outlay  incurred  in  repairing  the  house  at 
Sidcot,  in  which  the  school  was  established.  A 
later  minute  contains  an  offer  from  William  Jenkins, 
"  to  teach  such  children  for  nothing,  as  shall  be  sent 
to  him  from  the  Monthly  Meeting's  Charity,  the}^ 
paying  for  their  tabling,  (and  the  ..like  for  any 
Friend,  in  case  of  inability  to  give  the  rates  agreed 
on)  for  one  year  next  ensuing,  if  he  continues  teach- 
ing school."  The  amount  charged  for  boarding  the 
scholars  seems  to  have  been  thought  somewhat  ex- 
travagant, and  a  minute  of  the  Middle  Division,  in 
1701,  complains  of  it  as  being  too  high,  provisions 
being  low  in  price. ^  In  that  year,  William  Jenkins 
informed  the  Quarterly  Meeting  that  he  had  been 
presented  at  the  Assizes,  for  keeping  school,  and  a 
copy  of  the  presentment  was  ordered  to  be  sent  to 
the  correspondents  in  London,  for  their  advice  in 
the  case.  Ko  report  is  given  of  the  result  of  this 
prosecution ;  but  it  probably  ended  in  the  same  way 
as  a  similar  proceeding  against  Eichard  Claridge 
some  years  later.  Whilst  engaged  in  conducting  a 
school  at  Tottenham,  where  he  went  to  reside  in 
1707,  Richard  Claridge  was  cited  to  appear  at  Doc- 
tors' Commons,  "  to  answer  to  certain  interrogatories 
concerning  his  soul's  health,  and  the  reformation 
of  his  manners,  and  especially  for  teaching  and  in- 
structing boys."  A  prohibition  having  been  ob- 
tained to  stay  the  proceedings,  the  cause  was  re- 

1  In  1728,  the  charge  at  David  Hall's  school,  at  Skipton,  was 
only  £8  per  annum,  for  board  and  tuition. — Life  of  James 
Gough. 


256 


tanner's  lectures. 


moved  into  the  Queen's  Bench.  Chief  Justice  Ilolt, 
who  presided  on  the  occasion,  gave  it  as  his  opinion 
that  the  statutes  of  James  the  First  against  Popish 
recusants,  under  which  the  prosecution  had  been 
instituted,  did  not  apply  to  the  defendant;  and  the 
jury  accordingly  brought  in  a  verdict  in  his  favour.^ 
In  1707,  William  Jenkins  informed  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  that  his  continuance  at  Sidcot  was  uncer- 
tain, as  the  tenant  under  whom  he  rented  the  house, 
was  about  to  leave  the  estate.  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  confer  with  him,  but  their  report  was 
not  recorded.  I  have,  however,  been  able  to  trace 
the  issue  of  this  difficulty,  by  applying  to  Joseph 
Davis.  The  deeds  of  Sidcot  School,  which  he  has 
kindly  examined  for  me,  show  that  the  property  on 
which  the  present  school  has  been  erected,  was 
conveyed  to  William  Jenkins  in  1709.  This  is  all 
the  more  interesting,  as  leading  to  the  inference 
that  William  Jenkins  conducted  his  school  from 
1709,  if  not  before,  in  the  house  in  which  John 
Benwell  kept  school  many  years  afterwards,  and 
which  partly  served  the  purposes  of  the  present  in- 
stitution, up  to  the  year  when  the  new  house  was 
erected.  In  1708,  the  following  answer  was  given 
by  the  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Somerset,  to  the  Yearly 
Meeting,  to  a  query  which  had  been  adopted  on  the 
subject : — "  Our  godly  care  is  continued  in  the  good 
education  of  Friends'  children,  insomuch  that  many 
people  w^ho  are  of  different  persuasions,  send  their 
children  to  table  at  a  Friends'  school,  and  allow 

>  Gough's  History,  Vol.  IV.  p.  216. 


T  A  X  X  E  K  '  S  LECTURES. 


257 


them  to  go  to  meetings  constantly."  William 
Jenkins  sold  the  property  in  1729,  at  which  period 
he  removed  to  Bristol.  His  name  appears  for  some 
years  after  this  in  the  book  in  which  the  names  of 
the  Bristol  ministers  were  entered. 

Another  Friend,  in  the  station  of  minister,  had 
opened  a  school  within  the  compass  of  the  Xorth 
Division,  a  little  before  William  Jenkins  left  Sidcot. 
This  was  Jonah  Thompson  from  Westmoreland, 
who  removed  to  Yatton  in  the  year  1728,  and  con- 
ducted a  school  there  up  to  1735,  when  he  married 
and  went  to  reside  in  Dorsetshire.  In  1756,  he 
came  to  Bristol,  and  conducted  the  school  at  the 
Workhouse  for  about  three  years.  Returning  again 
into  Dorsetshire,  he  established  the  school  at  Comp- 
ton,  afterwards  conducted  by  his  son  Thomas,  at 
which  a  large  number  of  Friends  in  this  part  of  the 
country  received  their  education.  The  celebrated 
Dr.  Thomas  Young,  a  native  of  Milverton,  was 
among  the  Compton  scholars.  Jonah  Thompson 
was  extensively  engaged  in  the  work  of  the  minis- 
try, and  his  representations  of  Gospel  truth  are  said 
to  have  been  acceptable  to  persons  of  various  de- 
nominations.^ He  paid  two  religious  visits  to  Xorth 
America;  the  first  of  these  was  in  1750.  The 
Monthly  Meeting  of  Sherborne  and  Bridport,  to 
which  he  then  belonged,  was  very  small,  and  Jonah 
Thompson  was  accustomed  to  relate  that  on  the 
occasion  of  his  proposing  to  his  friends  to  visit 
America,  those  who  were  present  expressed  their 


'  Piety  Promoted,  Vol.  IV.  p.  100. 
22*  R 


258 


tanner's  lectures. 


entire  approval ;  but  that  after  some  time  had  been 
spent  in  deliberation,  one  of  the  friends  said, 
"Jonah,  there  is  no  one  among  us  that  can  write  a 
certificate  but  thee,  and  thee  must  draw  it  up  thy- 
self." This  he  accordinglj^  did.  Through  the  kind- 
ness of  his  grandson,  John  Thompson  of  Hitchin, 
from  w^hom  I  received  this  anecdote,  I  have  had  a 
sight  of  this  certificate,  w^hich  is  in  Jonah  Thomp- 
son's hand-writing.  The  anecdote  certainly  points 
to  the  need  there  was  in  those  days,  for  the  labours 
of  the  schoolmaster  to  be  further  extended.  Soon 
after  Jonah  Thompson  left  Bristol,  the  school  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  James  Gough,  who  had 
been  an  usher  under  Alexander  Arscott,  and  had 
subsequently  settled  in  Ireland,  whither  he  again 
removed  at  a  later  period.  James  Gough  was  an- 
other of  the  vigorous  minded  and  well  educated 
men  who  came  from  Westmoreland  in  the  early 
days  of  our  Society,  and  took  up  their  residence  in 
the  south  of  England.  Like  several  others  of  the 
schoolmasters  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  James 
Gough  laboured  extensively  as  a  minister  of  the 
Gospel.^ 

Eeference  is  made  in  the  Somersetshire  minutes, 
to  schools  established  during  the  last  century,  at 
Long  Sutton,  Glastonbury,  &c.,  which  received  more 
or  less  pecuniary  assistance  from  the  Society.  The 
school  established  by  John  Benwell,  at  Yatton,  in 
1790,  and  afterwards  removed  to  Sidcot,  on  account 
of  the  situation  being  considered  more  healthy,  ap- 


'  Life  of  James  Gough. 


tanner's  lectures. 


259 


pears  at  first  to  have  been  under  the  notice  of  a 
Monthly  Meeting's  Committee.  Friends  in  Bristol 
were  for  some  years  accustomed  to  send  their  boys 
to  a  school  at  Gildersome,  in  Yorkshire.  On  the 
occasion  of  the  establishment  of  Ackworth  school, 
in  1779,  the  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Somerset  sent  a 
contribution  to  its  funds,  of  ^114  : 10  :  0.  From 
this  period  until  1808,  when  our  Sidcot  school  was 
established,  many  scholars  were  sent  to  Ackworth, 
from  this  Quarterly  Meeting. 

In  speaking  of  the  schoolmasters  who  resided  in 
this  neighbourhood,  I  must  not  omit  the  name  of 
Anthony  Purver,  the  translator  of  the  Bible.  He 
was  for  some  years  a  member  of  French  ay  Monthly 
Meeting.  He  lived  as  tutor  in  a  Friend's  family,  at 
Hambrook,  and  whilst  there  he  translated  some  of 
the  minor  prophets.  He  subsequently  kept  a  board- 
ing-school at  French  ay,  and  removed  thence  to  Sta- 
pleton.  John  Player,  who  was  one  of  his  scholars, 
remembered  hearing  him  speak  of  his  having  been 
able,  when  a  boy,  to  commit  six  chapters  of  the  Bible 
to  memory  in  an  hour.^  His  translation  of  the  Old 
Testament  is,  I  believe,  considered  to  have  the  merit 
of  keeping  very  close  to  the  original.  An  attempt 
which  he  made  to  publish  portions  of  his  translation 
in  Bristol,  was  unsuccessful ;  but  the  whole  was  af- 
terwards published  in  London.  In  a  sketch  of  his 
life,  by  Joseph  Gurney  Bevan,  which  Paul  Bevan 

1  There  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Funny  and  Mary  Player, 
uf  Tockington,  a  Cambridge  concordance,  uhich  belonged  to 
Anthony  Purver. 


260 


TANNERS  LECTURES. 


has  kindl}^  lent  me,  the  question  is  raised  whether 
Anthony  Purver  does  not  stand  alone  in  having 
completed  the  translation  of  the  whole  Bible  into 
English.  In  1758,  he  removed  to  Andover,  where 
he  died  in  1777,  aged  seventy -five.  Arduous  as  were 
his  literary  engagements,  they  did  not  prevent  his 
labouring,  and  travelling  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel. 

The  early  Meetings  for  Discipline  do  not  appear 
to  have  been  usually  preceded,  as  at  present,  by  a 
joint  meeting  for  worship  of  men  and  women 
Friends;  but  Monthly  Meetings  for  worship  were 
held  at  different  places.  In  1694,  one  of  the  minutes 
of  the  Bristol  Meeting  recommends  its  members  to 
encourage  Kingsweston  Friends,  by  attending  their 
Monthly  Meeting,  which  was  held  on  first  days, 
"they  being  declining,  and  weak,  and  few  in  number." 

In  1694,  it  was  concluded  to  appoint  a  Yearly 
Meeting  in  Bristol,  for  the  southwestern  counties ; 
such  meeting  to  be  held  a  little  before  the  time  of 
the  Yearly  Meeting  in  London,  to  which  it  was 
made  subject.  In  an  epistle  issued  by  the  Men's 
Meeting  in  Bristol,  inviting  Friends  of  other  coun- 
ties to  attend  this  meeting,  allusion  is  made  to  the 
"  cloud  of  darkness  which  had  been  over  the  city 
for  some  years  past,"  by  reason  of  the  persecution 
from  without,  and  the  trials  from  within,  to  which 
Friends  had  been  exposed :  and  this  being  now  in 
great  measure  removed,  they  call  upon  their  friends 
to  come  and  rejoice  with  them.  The  object  of  this 
gathering  is  further  described  in  the  words,  "  to  the 
end  that  we  in  this  Gospel  day,  after  the  enjoyment 


tanner's  lectures 


2G1 


of  so  many  evangelical  privileges,  may  know  the 
restoration  of,  and  keep  the  holy  feast  of  nnleavened 
bread  (in)  sincerity  and  truth,  together;  and  that  for 
the  time  to  come  our  holy  and  heavenly  relation  in 
Christ  Jesus  may  be  increased  and  continued,"  kc. 
Mention  is  also  made  of  the  number  of  ministering 
Friends  who  could  not  attend  the  Yearly  Meeting 
in  London,  as  a  reason  for  establishing  this  Bristol 
Meeting.  These  meetings  occupied  three  days :  one 
morning  was  devoted  to  a  meeting  of  ministering 
Friends,  and  the  Temple  Street  meeting-house  was 
appropriated  to  the  use  of  women  Friends,  if  they 
should  incline  to  meet.  Queries  were  adopted  by 
the  Bristol  Yearly  Meeting,  to  be  answered  by  the 
Quarterly  Meetings  composing  it,  in  relation  to 
Friends  travelling  as  ministers  without  certifi- 
cates; to  the  keeping  up  of  meetings;  the  preva- 
lence of  love  and  unity  among  Friends;  and  the 
spreading  of  their  principles.  Suggestions  were  at 
different  times  made,  to  the  effect  that  this  Yearly 
Meeting  should  be  held  alternately  in  the  different 
counties  composing  it,  and  in  1720,  it  was  decided 
to  hold  an  Annual  Meeting  for  Worship,  in  addition 
to  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  Bristol,  which  from  its 
being  held  at  different  Y>laces  in  turn,  was  called  the 
Circular  Meeting.^    These  Circular  Meetings  were 

'In  the  Somersetshire  minutes,  there  are  references  to  the 
expenditure  incurred  on  different  occasions,  on  account  of  the 
Circular  Meetings :  —  in  1743,  for  seating  the  Town  Hall,  at 
Wells  ;  and  on  another  occasion  for  a  booth  erected  at  Bridg- 
water. In  17G4,  Friends  were  appointed  to  acknowledge  Earl 
Pawlett'a  kindness  in  allowing  the  use  of  Crewkerne  Market- 
liuuse  for  a  like  purpose. 


262 


tanner's  lectures. 


often  held  in  places  where  there  were  but  few,  if  Siwy, 
Friends,  and  were  largely  attended,  both  by  Friends 
from  a  distance,  and  by  persons  not  belonging  to  the 
Society. 

An  anecdote  of  Samuel  Bownas,  connected  with 
one  of  these  meetings  (held,  I  think,  at  Ilminster)  was 
related  to  me  by  the  late  Young  Sturge.  Samuel 
Bownas  had  the  habit  of  pausing  between  his  words 
and  sentences,  when  he  stood  up  to  preach,  but  usu- 
ally became  more  fluent  as  he  proceeded.  On  the 
occasion  referred  to,  a  lady  w^ho  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  attend  the  Circular  Meetings  when  they 
were  held  in  her  neighbourhood,  interrupted  Samuel 
Bownas  soon  after  he  began  to  speak,  by  remarking 
that  she  thought  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  sit 
down,  as  many  other  ministers  were  present.  Sam- 
uel Bownas,  looking  tow^ards  her,  said,  "  Have  pa- 
tience, woman,  'twill  be  better  bye  and  bye."  Having 
in  the  end  preached  a  very  remarkable  sermon,  the 
lady  in  question  came  to  him  after  meeting,  and 
apologised  for  the  interruption  she  had  caused  him. 
Young  Sturge  also  mentioned  to  me  the  accounts 
he  had  heard  of  the  kind  and  fatherly  care  which 
Samuel  Bownas  was  accustomed  to  extend  to  younger 
ministers,  and  that  being  present  on  one  occasion 
when  some  Friends  were  complaining  of  the  mis- 
takes which  a  young  man  had  made  in  his  ministry, 
and  fearing  they  would  deal  with  him  in  a  manner 
which  would  prove  discouraging,  he  put  them  by 
from  their  intention  of  speaking  to  him,  by  saying, 
"Leave  the  young  man  to  me."    The  account  of 


T  A  N  N  E  11 '  S    L  E  C  T  U  11  S . 


263 


Samuel  Bownas's  own  experiences,  in  the  early  pe- 
riod of  his  ministry,  is  as  interesting  as  it  is  instruc- 
tive. During  his  first  visit  to  the  West  of  England, 
he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  in  attending  the  funeral  of  a 
deceased  Friend,  to  take  his  pocket  Bible  with  him, 
and  to  preach  with  it  in  his  hand:  turning  to  various 
texts  in  support  of  the  doctrine  which  he  preached, 
and  pressing  earnestly  on  his  hearers  the  duty  of 
reading  the  Bible  carefully,  and  of  seeking  the  Lord 
by  prayer,  for  the  assistance  needed  to  enable  them 
to  practise  what  they  read.  It  afterwards  transpired 
that  several  ministers  of  other  denominations,  with 
many  of  their  hearers,  were  present;  and  that  one 
of  these  ministers  had  some  time  before  publicly 
charged  Friends  with  denying  the  Scriptures,  and 
not  making  use  of  them  to  prove  that  which  they 
preached.^ 

It  would  be  easy  to  give  many  interesting  extracts 
from  Samuel  Bownas's  Journal.  Apart  from  its 
value  in  a  religious  point  of  view,  that  book  may  be 
safely  said  to  exhibit  more  originality  and  liveliness 
of  mind  than  are  to  be  found  in  many  volumes,  the 
authors  of  which  have  made  these  characteristics 
their  prominent  object.  Like  his  friend  Jonah 
Thompson,  with  whom  he  sometimes  travelled,  and 
to  whom  he  left  some  of  his  manuscripts,  and  his 
travelling  gear,  Samuel  Bownas  was  a  native  of 
Westmoreland,  and  like  him,  he  afterwards  resided 
in  Somersetshire  and  also  in  Dorsetshire. 

I  find  the  name  of  Samuel  Emlen,  of  Philadelphia, 

^Life  of  Samuel  Bownas,  pp.  22  to  25. 


2C4 


tanner's  lectures. 


among  those  of  the  ministering  Friends  who  resided 
for  a  time  in  Bristol,  during  the  last  century.  Many 
traditions  have  been  handed  down  of  his  extraordi- 
nary gifts  as  a  minister,  and  his  remarkable  spiritual 
discernment. 

I  do  not  know  that  I  have  much  occasion  to 
regret  having  but  a  short  space  to  devote  to  the 
middle  period  of  our  history ;  for  in  the  experience 
of  the  Society  of  Friends,  as  in  that  of  other  reli- 
gious sects,  and  of  the  Christian  Church  at  large, 
the  middle  period  was  one  of  spiritual  darkness  and 
depression.  If  the  first  period  of  our  Society  was 
not  in  all  respects  a  golden  age,  it  was  an  age  of 
zeal  and  love ;  and  the  Christian  devotedness  of  its 
members  was  the  means  of  attracting  many  to  the 
beauty  of  holiness.  The  large  additions  made  to 
their  numbers  from  time  to  time  were  probably  not 
restricted  to  the  period  of  persecution  ;  but  I  do  not 
think  that  any  large  in-gathering  took  place  in  the 
south-western  counties  after  the  close  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any 
means  of  ascertaining  the  number  of  those  wdio 
attended  the  different  meetings  at  that  time.  The 
number  of  marriages  was  very  large;  scarcely  a 
month  passed  without  one  or  more  intentions  of 
marriage  being  brought  before  the  Bristol  meeting. 
This  may  be  partly  accounted  for  by  the  liberty  to 
marry  at  meeting  being  generally  accorded  to  the 
attenders  of  meetings  whose  conduct  was  orderly, 
and  not  restricted,  as  of  late,  to  those  who  are  form- 
ally recognised  as  members;  but  I  do  not  think 


tanner's  LECTUllES. 


265 


that  this  fully  accounts  for  so  many  more  marriages 
having  taken  place  then  than  now.  It  is  very  pro- 
bable that  in  the  more  simple  state  of  society  which 
then  existed,  prudential  considerations  had  less  in- 
fluence in  restraining  marriage  than  is  at  present 
the  case.^  In  Bristol,  the  meeting-house  accommo- 
dation was  probably  greater  than  at  present;  but 
it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  to  what  extent  the 
meetings  at  the  Friars,  and  in  Temple  Street,  were 
attended  by  the  same  persons. 

In  the  description  given  of  our  Society  history  by 
Joseph  Bevan  Braithwaite,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  second  volume  of  J.  J.  Gurney's  Memoirs, 
he  remarks  on  the  extent  to  which  traditional  be- 
lief and  formal  profession  marked  the  successors  of 
the  early  Friends.  And  I  have  met  with  abundant 
evidence  that  this  representation  was  fully  applicable 
to  the  state  of  things  in  this  part  of  the  country. 
Before  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  many 
of  the  meetings  for  worship,  held  in  the  middle  of 
the  week,  were  "either  totally  neglected,"  or  had 
"in  a  great  measure  declined."  To  this  succeeded 
a  deficient  attendance  of  First-day  Meetings.  In 
some  places  in  the  west  of  England,  no  meeting  was 
held  before  one  o'clock  on  First-day,  and  where  two 
meetings  were  held,  the  first  was  often  poorly 
attended,  the  reason  being  that  Friends  were  busily 
occupied  with  their  worldly  callings. 

The  undue  pursuit  of  worldly  gain  may  be  con- 

'  In  many  of  our  meetings  the  number  of  deaths  has  exceeded 
the  number  of  births,  for  many  years  past. 

23 


266 


tanner's  lectures. 


sidered  as  having  stood  in  the  relation  of  both  cause 
and  effect  to  the  low  spiritual  condition  with  which 
it  became  connected;  and  there  were,  doubtless, 
many  things  which  conspired  to  lay  the  members 
of  our  Society  peculiarly  open  to  such  a  snare. 
Amidst  the  opposition  which  at  first  arose  against 
Friends  in  all  directions,  the  earning  of  a  livelihood 
was  often  a  matter  of  great  difficulty:  but  their 
neighbours  were  not  long  in  perceiving  that,  how- 
ever mistaken  they  might  be  in  some  of  their  views, 
they  were  (generally  speaking)  honest  and  true- 
hearted  men,  whose  word  was  their  bond.  They 
could  send  their  children  to  the  Quakers'  shops  with 
a  certainty  that  they  would  be  as  well  served  as  they 
would  have  been  themselves.  The  old  proverb  that 
"honesty  is  the  best  policy"  was  not  long  in  being 
verified  by  the  success  which  attended  the  commer- 
cial undertakings  of  many  of  the  early  Friends. 
Then  again,  whilst  they  gave  up  a  great  deal  of  time 
to  the  attendance  of  their  meetings  and  other  church 
services,  their  diligence  in  following  their  business 
was  not  interrupted  by  the  frivolous  pursuits  and 
amusements  in  which  many  of  their  neighbours 
indulged.  Thc}^  were  ready  to  distribute  their  sub- 
stance for  the  benefit  of  others,  notwithstanding 
their  own  losses,  to  an  extent  which  might  well  sur- 
prise us,  were  it  not  that  one  of  the  benefits  of  suf- 
fering is  the  effect  which  it  produces  in  opening  the 
heart  towards  other  sufferers;  but  on  the  other 
hand  their  personal  habits  were  very  simple.  Nei- 


tanner's  lectures. 


267 


ther  their  furniture,  dress,  nor  food,  was  of  an  ex- 
pensive kind. 

In  these,  and  in  other  waj^s,  a  foundation  was  laid 
for  the  accumulation  of  wealth  to  an  extent  which 
it  was  not  easy  to  foresee.  Still  more  difficult  w^as 
it  to  perceive  the  efiects  which  such  accumulation 
would  produce  upon  individuals,  and  upon  the  ge- 
neral state  of  the  Societ3\  There  are,  however, 
indications  given,  in  some  of  the  documents  issued 
in  very  early  times,  that  the  danger  of  which  I  speak 
was  by  no  means  overlooked.  It  certainly  does  not 
form  any  part  of  the  business  of  the  Church  to  de- 
fine the  extent  to  which  it  is  right  for  its  members  to 
accumulate  wealth ;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  no  small 
difficulty  for  individuals  to  set  the  limit  for  them- 
selves ;  but  I  believe  that  our  Society,  in  common 
with  other  Christian  bodies,  would  have  derived 
benefit  from  a  clearer  recognition  of  the  principle, 
that  Christians  should  cease  to  accumulate  wealth 
when  they  have  reached  the  point  at  which  con- 
science tells  them  they  have  enough.  If  the  rule 
which  Richard  Reynolds  laid  down  for  himself,  of 
spending  his  income  year  by  year,  had  been  more 
generally  followed  by  those  of  our  members  who 
had  obtained  a  competence,  there  is  great  reason  to 
believe  that  important  benefit  would  have  accrued 
both  to  themselves  and  their  families.  Many  names 
occur  in  the  early  Bristol  minutes  which  have  since 
been  identified  with  the  commercial  prosperity  of 
the  city,  but  which  are  no  longer  recognised  as 
having  any  connexion  with  Friends. 


268 


tanner's  lectures. 


There  is  one  result  of  the  increase  of  wealth 
among  Friends  in  Bristol,  of  which  we  cannot  com- 
plain. I  allude  to  the  erection  of  this  comfortable 
and  commodious  meeting-house!  The  first  house 
built  on  these  premises  cost  X655,  whilst  the  second, 
which  was  built  in  1747,  cost  X1830.  Even  the 
latter  sum  would  now  appear  small;  and  I  should 
be  one  of  the  last  to  object  to  this  large  expendi- 
ture, seeing  how  greatly  the  convenience  of  Friends 
was  consulted  in  the  building  of  this  house;  and 
being  disposed,  as  I  am,  to  think  that  the  interior  is 
a  good  specimen  of  chastened  and  correct  taste.' 
To  glance  for  a  moment  at  a  more  recent  outlay  of 
money  on  these  premises,  which  of  us  does  not  feel 
pleasure  in  recalling  the  fact  that,  in  the  year  1845, 
the  sum  of  <£700  was  expended  in  the  purchase  of 
the  Cutlers'  Hall,  the  old  dormitory  of  the  monks, 
and  that  a  further  sum  of  X972  was  spent  in 
restoring  and  adapting  it  to  the  use  of  our  day,  and 
First-day  schools  for  boys. 

But  I  must  make  further  reference  to  the  unwel- 
come subject  of  the  declension  which  marked  the 
second  period  of  our  history.  It  was  alike  ob- 
servable, in  town  and  country;  and  although  the 
indications  of  it  were  somewhat  different,  worldly- 
mindedness  was  as  much  evinced  by  the  exclusive 

'  John  Clark,  of  Bridgwater,  who  was  well  versed  in  archi- 
tecture, used  to  say  that  this  interior  would  have  been  a  perfect 
specimen  of  its  style  —  the  Roman  Doric  —  if  the  bases  of  the 
pillars  had  been  square  instead  of  octagonal ;  and  it  appears 
from  a  minute  of  the  building  committee,  which  directs  the  cut- 
ting olf  of  the  corners,  that  they  were  originally  square. 


tanner's  lectures. 


269 


devotion  which  some  gave  to  their  farms,  as  by  the 
zeal  with  which  others  followed  their  merchandize. 
Not  only  were  the  meetings  for  worship  neglected, 
but  in  regard  to  every  branch  of  our  Christian  pro- 
fession unfaithfulness  appeared.  The  increase  of 
wealth  was  found,  as  in  so  many  other  cases,  to  im- 
pede, rather  than  assist,  the  exercise  of  charity. 
Complaint  was  made  to  the  Quarterly  Meeting  of 
Somerset,  in  1740,  of  the  deplorable  circimistances 
of  poor  Friends  in  divers  parts  of  the  county;  and 
an  epistle  was  sent  to  the  Monthly  Meetings  recom- 
mending a  more  charitable  disposition  on  the  part 
of  Friends  of  ability. 

In  1742  mention  is  made  of  the  underhand  pay- 
ment of  ecclesiastical  demands^  which  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  considered  to  be  only  "  deceit."  Our  tes- 
timony against  zvar  was  compromised  in  a  similar 
manner — subscriptions  being  entered  into  by  many 
Friends  for  providing  substitutes  for  such  as  were 
called  upon  to  serve  in  the  militia.  Dealing  in 
smuggled  goods  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  minutes.  The  simplicity  of  dress,  by  which 
the  early  Friends  were  distinguished,  was  exchanged 
for  the  extravagancies  then  in  fashion.  James 
Gough,  who  came  to  Bristol  in  1728,  says  that  his 
plain  dress  caused  him  to  appear  like  "  a  speckled 
bird;"  and  the  father  of  the  late  J.  S.  Fry,  who 
settled  here  about  1748,  found  only  two  young  men 
in  the  meeting  who  dressed  plainly.  Samuel  Emlen 
is  said  to  have  addressed  himself,  in  one  of  his  ser- 
mons, to  the  "powder-pated  beaux." 
23* 


270 


tanner's  lectures. 


Church  discipline  and  oversight  had  suftered,  at 
least,  as  great  a  decline  as  the  conduct  of  the  mem- 
bers. In  1757  the  Somersetshire  Meetings  are 
stated  to  have  been  altogether  deficient  as  to  the 
appointment  of  overseers.^  Wrong  doers  were 
allowed,  in  many  instances,  to  continue  a  nominal 
connexion  with  the  Society :  whilst,  in  others,  the 
discipline  was  exercised,  but  with  less  of  Christian 
forbearance  than  formerly.  I  have  met  with  many 
cases  in  which  persons  were  disowned,  without 
having  received,  as  far  as  can  be  learnt  from  the 
minutes,  a  single  official  visit.  The  love  of  souls 
and  the  desire  to  reclaim  the  wanderer,  seem  to 
have  given  place  to  the  notion  of  maintaining  the 
credit  of  the  Society.  Testimonies  of  disunion  were 
issued,  "forthwith,"  against  persons  of  disreputable 
conduct :  and  one  Friend  was  disowned  because  he 
refused  to  fasten  a  copy  of  his  declaration  of  re- 
pentance to  the  market-cross  of  the  town  in  which 
he  lived. 

In  such  a  state  of  things  it  need  not  surprise  us 
that  the  select  character,  before  referred  to,  as 
having  been  given  to  the  Meetings  for  Discipline, 
was  found  to  be  injurious  in  its  operation;  and 
that,  in  many  cases,  the  place  of  the  "nursing 
fathers,"  came  to  be  filled  by  such  as  must  rather 
be  described  as  "  lords  over  the  heritage."  The 
Somersetshire  Monthly  Meetings  being  held  in 
private  houses,  wore  the  more  liable  on  that  account 
to  be  restricted  to  particular  cliques  and  classes.  In 


'  Quarterly  Meetiog  Minutes. 


tanner's  lectures. 


271 


1748,  I  find  the  Quarterly  3feeting  adjourned  to  the 
house  of  John  Thomas,  of  Winthill.  In  Bristol 
the  meetings,  though  not  held  in  private  houses, 
became  very  exclusive  in  their  character.  A  friend 
is  still  living  amongst  us,  Arnee  Frank,  now  in  his 
ninety-second  year,  who  remembers  the  operation 
of  this  exclusive  system.  lie  has  told  me  that, 
when  he  returned  to  Bristol  in  1792,  from  his  ap- 
prenticeship to  Thomas  Young  of  Milverton,  he 
believes  the  late  Joseph  Storrs  Fry  and  himself  were 
the  only  young  men  in  Bristol  who  ventured  to  in- 
trude themselves  into  the  meetings  for  discipline.^ 
It  was  natural  that,  under  such  circumstances,  a 
struggle  for  pre-eminence  should  have  led,  as  of  old, 
to  dissension  and  party  spirit.  The  manner  in 
which  the  Bristol  Yearly  Meeting  exercised  its  dis- 
ciplinary powers,  became  a  matter  of  great  dissatis- 
faction to  the  meetings  composing  it;  and  the 
opinion  was  repeatedly  expressed  that  it  should  bo 
held  as  a  meeting  for  worship  only.  A  minute  of 
the  Somersetshire  Quarterly  Meeting,^  on  this  subject, 
says — "We  find  Friends  very  desirous  that  fellow- 
ship may  be  maintained  in  charity,  which  is  our 
best  fortress.  We  don't  approve  that  Friends  be 
obliged  to  answer  any  stated  questions,  but  may  be 

'  I  have  heard  an  anecdote  of  an  American  Friend,  who  beinfi; 
present  at  a  meeting  for  discipline,  held  about  that  period,  and 
hearing  a  young  man  complained  of  for  taking  too  active  a  part, 
remarked — "  if  it  was  not  for  the  old  men,  the  young  men  would 
.^ct  the  house  on  fire ;  and  if  it  was  not  for  the  young  men,  the 
tire  would  go  out/' 

2  1722. 


272 


tanner's  lectures. 


left  at  liberty  to  ask  or  answer,  as  in  the  wisdom 
of  God  may  appear  to  edification."^ 

It  w^ould  be  easy  to  multiply  evidence  of  the  low 
spiritual  condition  of  the  Society  in  the  middle 
period  of  its  history,  from  the  records  of  the  Meet- 
ings for  Discipline:  and  a  similar  testimony  is 
borne  by  a  manuscript  journal  kept  by  John  Player 
of  Tockington,^  of  a  visit  paid  by  him,  in  1760,  to 
the  western  counties,  &c.,  as  a  member  of  the  Yearly 
Meeting's  Committee,  the  first,  I  believe,  which  was 
appointed  to  such  a  service.  In  speaking  of  Bristol, 
John  Player  alludes  to  the  poor  attendance  of  the 
Week-day  Meetings  for  worship,  and  to  the  small- 
ness  of  the  Meetings  for  Discipline.  Of  the  Somer- 
setshire Meetings  he  says,  "  Things  appeared  ex- 
ceeding cloudy  and  heavy — occasioned,  we  are  jealous, 
by  too  close  an  attachment  to  the  profits  and  spirit 
of  the  world."  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  this 
committee  advised  the  junction  of  some  of  the  Dor- 
setshire Meetings,  which  had  become  very  small 
and  weak,  to  Somersetshire,  a  measure  which  has 
been  recently  adopted.  The  account  given  by  John 
Player,  of  the  state  of  other  Quarterly  Meetings, 
shows  that  the  declension  to  w^hich  I  refer  was  of  a 
general  character.  That  men  like  those  who  laboured 
in  this  service,  were  found  to  undertake  it,  proved 

*  The  Bristol  Yearly  Meeting  ceased  to  act  as  a  meeting  for 
discipline  in  1772,  but  was  continued  some  time  longer  as  a 
meeting  for  worship. 

^  This  journal  has  been  kindly  lent  me  by  Fanny  and  Mary 
Player. 


T  A  N  N  I',  ll'  S    L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S  . 


273 


tliat  the  spiritual  life  of  the  body  was  not  extinct, 
and  many  were  prepared  to  co-operate  in  their 
labours  for  the  restoration  of  the  health  of  the  body. 
Frequent  reference  is  made  to  serious-minded  young 
men  and  women  with  whom  the  committee  held  in- 
tercourse in  the  diflerent  meetings.  It  must,  how- 
ever, be  acknowledged,  that  as  respects  the  Society 
at  large,  the  condition  of  things  was  exceedingly 
low;  and  even  suggestive  of  an  inquiry  like  that 
addressed  to  Ezekiel,  "  Son  of  Man,  can  these  dry 
bones  live  ?" 

A  statement  lately  published  in  the  Times  news- 
paper, seems  to  imply  that  our  recent  history  answers 
this  inquiry  in  the  negative :  this  I  am  not  disposed 
to  admit.  I  allude  to  an  advertisement,  in  which 
prizes  are  offered  for  an  essay  on  the  subject  of  the 
decline  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  The  gentleman 
who  offers  these  prizes  states,  that  our  Society  has 
lessened  in  numbers  during  the  first  half  of  the 
present  centur}^,  and  also  expresses  his  belief  that 
the  Christian  testimony  which  it  has  borne  to  the 
world  "  has  been  gradually  becoming  more  and  more 
feeble,''  The  first  part  of  the  statement  is  probably 
correct,  and  certainl}^  calls  for  the  most  careful  and 
searching  inquiry  on  our  part,  whatever  the  world 
at  large  may  say  about  it;  but  I  think  that  no  one 
who  carefully  considers  the  history  of  our  Society, 
during  the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  first 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  can  doubt  that  a 
much  more  healthy  condition  prevailed  in  the  latter 
than  in  the  former  period ;  or  that  our  Christian 

s 


274 


tanner's  LECTURICS. 


testimony  has  iu  some  respects  become  clearer  and 
stronger. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  we  have  been  for  some 
time  past  in  a  state  of  transition.  In  one  sense, 
this  state  is  common  to  all  living  bodies;  the  main- 
tenance of  life  having  been  made  to  depend  on  the 
removal  of  decayed,  and  the  substitution  of  new 
particles.  But  there  have  been  some  special  in- 
fluences at  work  upon  our  Society  of  later  times, 
the  tendency  of  which  has  been  to  modify  the  con- 
dition and  feelings  of  our  members  in  a  variety  of 
ways,  but  which  ought  not,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped 
will  not,  have  the  effect  of  turning  us  aside  from 
our  Christian  calling.  I  must  now  briefly  advert  to 
some  of  these  influences.  The  jManthropic  efforts 
of  different  kinds,  in  which  many  of  our  members 
have  been  led  to  engage  during  the  last  seventy 
years,  have  exerted  a  marked,  and,  I  believe  on  the 
whole,  a  very  beneficial  influence  upon  us.  Philan- 
thropy may  sometimes  have  engrossed  the  time 
and  talents  which  should  have  been  devoted  to  ser- 
vices more  exclusively  appertaining  to  the  Gospel 
of  Christ.  But  it  would  be  a  very  narrow  view  of 
the  requirements  of  the  Gospel,  which  would  lead 
us  to  reject  any  legitimate  means  by  which  the 
moral  and  physical  condition  of  our  fellow-men 
may  be  improved.  Among  the  benefits  which  we 
ourselves  have  derived  from  taking  part  in  such 
efforts,  it  may  be  mentioned,  that  many  have  had 
their  minds  thereby  diverted  from  the  engrossing 
pursuits  of  trade ;  that  opportunities  have  been  thus 


tanner's  lectures. 


275 


afforded  for  the  expeuditure  of  means,  the  accumu- 
lation of  which  would  have  proved  injurious;  and 
that  our  sympathies  have  been  enlarged,  not  only 
towards  those  on  whose  behalf  we  have  laboured, 
but  also  towards  our  fellow-labourers  of  other  de- 
nominations of  Christians.  If  time  had  permitted, 
I  would  gladly  have  dwelt  more  at  length  on  some 
of  these  efforts. 

We  had  an  interesting  lecture  given  us  twelve 
months  since,  on  the  Slavery  of  the  Old  World,  and 
the  relations  of  Christianity  to  it ;  and  I  wish  that 
it  could  be  followed  by  a  description  of  the  part 
which  the  Society  of  Friends  has  taken  in  the  work 
of  abolishing  modern  slavery.  In  T.  Clarkson's  His- 
tory of  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade,  there  is  a 
very  interesting  account  of  the  visit  which  he  paid 
to  Bristol,  about  the  year  1787,  for  the  purpose  of 
collecting  evidence  on  the  evils  of  the  Slave  Trade. 
He  mentions  by  name  many  Friends  to  whom  he 
was  introduced  on  coming  to  Bristol,  and  he  re- 
marks that  "  the  Quakers  to  a  man  were  strenuous, 
and  this  on  the  best  of  principles,  in  support  of  the 
abolition  movement."  During  that  visit,  T.  Clark- 
son  had  need  of  all  the  countenance  and  support 
which  could  be  given  him.  Many  nights,  as  well 
as  days,  were  spent  among  the  crews  of  the  slave 
vessels,  in  the  low  public-houses  in  Marsh  Street, 
which  were  their  places  of  resort ;  and  the  obstacles 
which  impeded  his  various  inquiries  were  of  a 
formidable  character. 

I  would  also  fain  have  spoken  more  at  length  of 


276 


T  A  N  N  E  11 '  S    L  E  C  T  L  R  E  S  . 


another  movement  of  a  philanthropic  character,  in 
which,  as  far  as  England  is  concerned.  Friends  may 
be  said  to  have  taken  the  lead.  I  allude  to  the 
amelioration  of  the  treatment  of  the  insane.  I 
could  not,  however,  have  hoped  to  do  full  justice  to 
the  subject,  even  by  a  more  lengthened  reference  to 
the  importance  of  the  work  accomplished  by  Wil- 
liam Tuke  and  his  successors,  in  not  only  exposing 
the  miserable  abuses  of  the  old  lunatic  asylums,  but 
in  exhibiting  in  "The  Retreat,"  established  near 
York,  in  1792,  an  example  of  what  might  be  effected 
by  the  extension  of  kind  and  judicious  care  to  tliese 
children  of  affliction. 

Friends  have  borne  a  part  in  other  philanthropic 
enterprises  of  more  recent  date,  in  which  the  com- 
munication of  religious  instruction  has  formed  a 
prominent  feature.  I  allude  particularly  to  the 
Bible  Society,  the  British  and  Foreign  School 
Society,  and  the  Prison  Discipline  movement.  The 
amelioration  of  our  criminal  code,  which  George 
Fox  was  one  of  the  first  to  suggest,  and  the  abolition 
of  the  punishment  of  death,  have  been  objects  of 
deep  interest  to  many  Friends.  As  respects  our 
local  charities,  it  is  needless  for  me  to  dwell  on  the 
assistance  afforded  them  by  Richard  Reynolds,  and 
by  others  who  in  more  recent  times  have  followed 
his  example.  Although  it  is  true  that  we  were  be- 
hind some  other  bodies  of  Christians  in  entering  on 
the  work  of  Sabbath  School  instruction,  I  believe 
we  have  derived  very  great  benefit  from  the  part 
which  we  have  taken  in  connexion  with  it.    If  I 


tanner's 


LECTURES 


277 


were  asked  to  mention  the  most  beneficial  influence 
of  an  external  kind  which  has,  in  modern  times, 
been  brought  to  bear  on  our  Society  in  Bristol,  I 
should  have  no  hesitation  whatever  in  answering, 
that  of  the  First-day  school. 

The  establishment  of  Ackworth  and  other  schools, 
in  which  the  education  of  many  of  the  children  of 
our  own  members,  was  placed  under  the  direct  care 
of  the  Society,  formed  an  important  epoch  in  our 
history.  Xot  less  important  was  the  change  effected, 
at  a  later  period,  in  the  instruction  given  both  in 
our  public  and  private  schools,  by  the  introduction 
of  a  course  of  Scriptural  teaching ;  a  change  which 
was  accomplished,  to  no  small  extent,  through  the 
labours  of  the  late  Joseph  John  Gurney. 

I  cannot  but  think  that  a  corresponding  benefit 
has  resulted  from  the  giving  up  of  the  exclusive  sys- 
tem which  characterized  the  Meetings  for  Discipline 
in  former  days.  I  regard  it  as  one  of  the  most  hope- 
ful signs  of  the  present  state  of  our  Society  in  Bristol, 
that  many  of  our  younger  Friends  are  not  only  de- 
voting themselves  to  the  promotion  of  philanthropic 
efforts,  but  are  willing  to  hear  their  part  in  the  aflairs 
of  our  own  Societv.  Of  the  vounsrer  men  and  wo- 
men,  who,  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  century, 
were  instrumental  in  the  infusion  of  new  life  into 
the  Society  in  this  country,  many  became  qualified 
to  bear  a  part  in  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel.  We 
can  ourselves  recal  the  persons  and  services  of  more 
than  a  few,  of  whom  it  may  be  said  that  they  were 
gentle  among  us,  even  as  a  nurse  cherisheth  her 
24 


278 


tanner's  lectures. 


children,  and  that  being  affectionately  desirous  of  us, 
they  were  willing  to  have  imparted  unto  us  not  the 
Gospel  of  God  only,  but  also  their  own  souls,  because 
we  w^ere  dear  unto  them.^  The  inquiry  as  to  where, 
and  on  whom  the  descending  mantles  of  these  faith- 
ful labourers  are  to  rest,  is  one  which  may  well  en- 
gage our  anxious  thought.  The  qualification  for 
such  service  cannot  be  bestowed  by  man ;  but  it  is 
for  us  to  see  that  we  do  not  disqualify  ourselves  for 
the  reception  of  spiritual  gifts,  and  to  labour  for  the 
removal  of  all  those  stumbling-blocks  which  prevent 
the  word  of  the  Lord  from  having  free  course 
amongst  us. 

I  think  no  one  can  feel  more  strongly  than  I  do, 
that  boasting  should  be  altogether  excluded  from  our 
consideration  of  both  the  past  and  present  state  of 
our  religious  Society ;  but  we  surely  have  cause  for 
reverent  gratitude,  that  He  who  appointed  us  a  place 
to  occupy,  and  a  work  to  do  in  the  great  family  of 
the  Church,  has  continued  towards  us  His  faithful 
care.  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  think  that  our 
calling  and  responsibility,  as  a  distinct  section  of 
that  Church,  is  {ibout  tQ  cease.  Whether  we  be 
faithful  to  the  call  or  not,  I  am  fully  convinced  that 
there  is  still  a  place  and  a  need  for  a  body  of  Chris- 
tians who  should  bear  before  the  world  a  testimony 
to  the  entirely  spiritual  character  of  the  New  Cove- 
nant Dispensation  —  to  the  authority  of  Christ  as 
distinguished  from  the  authority  of  man  in  matters 
of  religion  —  to  the  freedom  of  that  Gospel  ministry 

'  1  Thess.  ii.  7,  8. 


T  A  N 1^  E  R  '  S  LECTURES. 


279 


which  is  to  be  received  as  a  gift  from  Him,  and  to 
be  exercised  in  the  strength  which  He  bestows — • 
and  to  the  peaceable  character  of  His  kingdom. 

In  saying  this,  I  feel  no  disposition  to  ignore  the 
fact  that  the  general  condition  of  the  professing 
Church,  has  greatly  improved  since  the  days  of 
George  Fox.  I  rejoice  that  it  is  so ;  but  I  am  well 
convinced  that  if  we  would  contribute  our  share  to 
the  general  improvement,  we  must  maintain  our  own 
ground.  Let  me  not,  however,  be  understood  to 
speak  of  a  traditional  adherence  to  the  profession 
made  by  our  forefathers.  Many  influences  have 
been  at  work,  of  late,  in  the  Society  of  Friends,  as 
well  as  in  the  Church  of  Christ  at  large,  tending  to 
the  demolition  traditional  faith  ;  and  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  rejoice  in  the  result,  if  tradition  be  re- 
placed by  a  new  growth  of  individual  conviction. 
Christianity  is  a  vital  influence,  and  not  a  mere  sys- 
tem of  opinions,  and  cannot  therefore  be  effectively 
maintained  under  any  form  of  profession,  by  the 
teaching  which  one  man  gives  to  another,  or  which 
one  age  hands  down  to  another. 

It  is  certainly  a  critical  period,  whether  it  occur 
in  the  life  of  an  individual,  or  in  the  history  of  a 
Church,  in  which  the  unhesitating  faith  of  childhood 
comes  to  be  disturbed  by  doubts  and  questionings, 
such  as  must  inevitably  precede  the  independent 
conviction  and  sound  judgment  oi  manhood:  a  pe- 
riod in  which  there  is  peculiar  need  for  the  exercise 
of  watchfulness  and  teachableness  of  mind  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  forbearance  and  condescension  on 


280 


TANNEll'S  LECTURES. 


the  other.  Religious  conviction  implies  much  more, 
indeed,  than  an  assent  to  certain  propositions ;  and, 
if  we  would  be  prepared  to  bear  a  faithful  testimony 
to  the  truth  of  the  Gospel,  it  is  essential  that  our 
own  hearts  should  be  made  subject  to  its  regenera- 
ting and  transforming  power :  that,  being  ourselves 
made  partakers  of  the  mercy  of  God  in  Christ  Jesus, 
we  should  become  truly  subject  to  Him  as  our  Lord^ 
and  know  our  hearts  to  be  influenced  by  His  con- 
straining love,  and  our  wills  subjected  to  His  pure 
and  holy  will.  Let  us  not  propose  to  ourselves  any 
inferior  aim,  either  in  regard  to  the  means  by  which 
we  would  seek  to  fulfil  our  duties,  or  the  strength 
in  which  they  should  be  discharged,  than  that  which 
is  set  forth  in  the  words  of  the  apostle  —  "  by  pure- 
ness,  by  knowledge,  by  long-suflering,  by  kindness, 
by  the  Holy  Ghost,  by  love  unfeigned,  by  the  word 
of  truth,  by  the  power  of  God,  by  the  armour  of 
righteousness  on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left."  ^ 

In  conclusion,  I  may  confess  that  my  own  love  for 
the  Society  of  Friends  has  been  afresh  warmed  by 
this  investigation  of  its  early  history;  but  I  trust 
that  the  feeling  is  not  one  w^hich  arises  from  secta- 
rian narrowness.  The  love  which  the  true  patriot 
feels  for  his  country,  is  something  added  to,  and  not 
subtracted  from  his  love  of  the  world  at  large;  and 
I  cannot  but  think  that  a  corresponding  feeling  of 
especial  interest  in  that  portion  of  the  Church  in 
which  our  own  lot  is  cast,  is  quite  consistent  with 
the  desire,  that  "grace  "  may  be  "with  all,"  of  every 

12  Cor.  vi.  G,  7. 


tanner's    L  E  C  T  V  11  E  s 


281 


Dame  and  of  every  nation,  "  who  love  our  Lord  Jesn3 
Christ  in  sincerity."  But  how  much  is  there  in  the 
divisions  which  now  separate  between  the  professed 
followers  of  Christ,  and  in  the  imperfections  which 
attach  to  them  all,  which  should  make  us  rejoice  in 
the  thought  of  that  state  of  heavenly  rest  and  bles- 
sedness, where,  in  a  far  higher  sense  than  can  be 
applicable  to  the  Church  on  earth,  "  Christ  is  all  and 
in  all." 

[Correction.  —  The  queries  mentioned  in  the  Second  Lecture 
as  having  been  answered  by  the  Bristol  Meeting,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  la^t  century,  do  not  correspond  with  those  which  had 
been  adopted  by  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  1682,  and  in  1G96.  See 
"  Extracts  from  the  Minutes,  &c.,  of  the  Yearly  Meeting,"  printed 
in  1783.] 


THE  END. 


24* 


IP 


